LINCOLN  ROOM 


UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS 
LIBRARY 


MEMORIAL 

the  Class  of  1901 

founded  by 

HARLAN  HOYT  HORNER 

and 
HENRIETTA  CALHOUN  HORNER 


Conen  ton 

The  Wr        ;s  of 

Abraham  Lincoln 


Edited 

Arthur  Brooks  Lapsley 


With  an  In-  b 


x*M  ^d  ,3091  .irfgn^qoO     .jhoY  waft  .ariBmil-JBil  xsM  x^ 
(.paH  .nBrarioufl  JiadIA  lo  ^zshuoD) 

Together  with 

The  Essay  on  Lincoln,  by  Carl  Schurz 

The  Address  on  Lincoln,  by  Joseph  H.  Choate 

and  The  Life  of  Lincoln,  by  Noah  Brooks 


Volume  One 
1832-1843 


G.  P.  Putnam's  Sons 
J^Jew  York  and  London 
Cbc  ftnfcfcer&ocfter 


Bust  of  Abraham  Lincoln 

Max  Bachmann,  New  York.     Copyright,  1905,  by  Max  Bachmanu 
(Courtesy  of  Albert  Buchman,  Esq.) 


Constitutional  gfrition 

The  Writings  of 

Abraham  Lincoln 


Edited  by 

Arthur  Brooks  Lapsley 


With  an  Introduction  by 

Theodore  Roosevelt 


Together  with 

The  Essay  on  Lincoln,  by  Carl  Schurz 

The  Address  on  Lincoln,  by  Joseph  H.  Choate 

and  The  Life  of  Lincoln,  by  Noah  Brooks 


Volume  One 
1832-1843 


G.  P.  Putnam's  Sons 

New   York    and    London 

Cbc  Ikiiichcrbocftct  press 


COPYRIGHT,  1905 

BY 
G.  P.  PUTNAM'S  SONS 


Ube  IRnicfccrbocfeer  press,  "Hew  J3otl> 


KI105 
v.l 


INTRODUCTORY 

IMMEDIATELY  after  Lincoln's  re-election  to  the 
Presidency,  in  an  off-hand  speech,  delivered  in 
response  to  a  serenade  by  some  of  his  admirers  on 
the  evening  of  November  10,  1864,  he  spoke  as 
follows : 

"It  has  long  been  a  grave  question  whether  any  gov- 
ernment not  too  strong  for  the  liberties  of  its  people  can 
be  strong  enough  to  maintain  its  existence  in  great 
emergencies.  On  this  point,  the  present  rebellion 
brought  our  republic  to  a  severe  test,  and  the  Presidential 
election,  occurring  in  regular  course  during  the  rebellion, 
added  not  a  little  to  the  strain.  .  .  .  The  strife  of 
the  election  is  but  human  nature  practically  applied  to 
the  facts  in  the  case.  What  has  occurred  in  this  case 
must  ever  occur  in  similar  cases.  Human  nature  will 
not  change.  In  any  future  great  national  trial,  com- 
pared with  the  men  of  this,  we  shall  have  as  weak  and 
as  strong,  as  silly  and  as  wise,  as  bad  and  as  good. 
Let  us  therefore  study  the  incidents  in  this  as  philosophy 
to  learn  wisdom  from  and  none  of  them  as  wrongs  to  be 
avenged.  .  .  .  Now  that  the  election  is  over,  may 
not  all  having  a  common  interest  reunite  in  a  common 
effort  to  save  our  common  country?  For  my  own  part, 


iv  Introductory 

I  have  striven  and  shall  strive  to  avoid  placing  any 
obstacle  in  the  way.  So  long  as  I  have  been  here,  I 
have  not  willingly  planted  a  thorn  in  any  man's  bosom. 
While  I  am  deeply  sensible  to  the  high  compliment  of 
a  re-election  and  duly  grateful,  as  I  trust,  to  Almighty 
God  for  having  directed  my  countrymen  to  a  right  con- 
clusion, as  I  think  for  their  own  good,  it  adds  nothing 
to  my  satisfaction  that  any  other  man  may  be  disap- 
pointed or  pained  by  the  result" 

This  speech  has  not  attracted  much  general  atten- 
tion, yet  it  is  in  a  peculiar  degree  both  illustrative 
and  typical  of  the  great  statesman  who  made  it,  alike 
in  its  strong  common-sense  and  in  its  lofty  standard 
of  morality.  Lincoln's  life,  Lincoln's  deeds  and 
words,  are  not  only  of  consuming  interest  to  the  his- 
torian, bui  should  be  intimately  known  to  every  man 
engaged  in  the  hard  practical  work  of  American  po- 
litical life.  It  is  difficult  to  overstate  how  much  it 
means  to  a  nation  to  have  as  the  two  foremost  figures 
in  its  history  men  like  Washington  and  Lincoln.  It 
is  good  for  every  man  in  any  way  concerned  in  public 
life  to  feel  that  the  highest  ambition  any  American 
can  possibly  have  will  be  gratified  just  in  proportion 
as  he  raises  himself  toward  the  standards  set  by 
these  two  men. 

It  is  a  very  poor  thing,  whether  for  nations  or 
individuals,  to  advance  the  history  of  great  deeds 


Introductory  v 

done  in  the  past  as  an  excuse  for  doing  poorly  in 
the  present;  but  it  is  an  excellent  thing  to  study 
the  history  of  the  great  deeds  of  the  past,  and  of  the 
great  men  who  did  them,  with  an  earnest  desire  to 
profit  thereby  so  as  to  render  better  service  in  the 
present.  In  their  essentials,  the  men  of  the  present 
day  are  much  like  the  men  of  the  past,  and  the  live 
issues  of  the  present  can  be  faced  to  better  advan- 
tage by  men  who  have  in  good  faith  studied  how  the 
leaders  of  the  nation  faced  the  dead  issues  of  the  past. 
Such  a  study  of  Lincoln's  life  will  enable  us  to  avoid 
the  twin  gulfs  of  immorality  and  inefficiency — the 
gulfs  which  always  lie  one  on  each  side  of  the  careers 
alike  of  man  and  of  nation.  It  helps  nothing  to  have 
avoided  one  if  shipwreck  is  encountered  in  the  other. 
The  fanatic,  the  well-meaning  moralist  of  unbalanced 
mind,  the  parlor  critic  who  condemns  others  but  has 
no  power  himself  to  do  good  and  but  little  power  to 
do  ill — all  these  were  as  alien  to  Lincoln  as  the  vicious 
and  unpatriotic  themselves.  His  life  teaches  our 
people  that  they  must  act  with  wisdom,  because 
otherwise  adherence  to  right  will  be  mere  sound  and 
fury  without  substance ;  and  that  they  must  also  act 
high-mindedly,  or  else  what  seems  to  be  wisdom  will 
in  the  end  turn  out  to  be  the  most  destructive  kind 
of  folly. 

Throughout  his  entire  life,  and  especially  after  he 
rose  to  leadership  in  his  party,  Lincoln  was  stirred 


vi  Introductory 

to  his  depths  by  the  sense  of  fealty  to  a  lofty  ideal; 
but  throughout  his  entire  life,  he  also  accepted  human 
nature  as  it  is,  and  worked  with  keen,  practical  good 
sense  to  achieve  results  with  the  instruments  at  hand. 
It  is  impossible  to  conceive  of  a  man  farther  removed 
from  baseness,  farther  removed  from  corruption, 
from  mere  self-seeking;  but  it  is  also  impossible  to 
conceive  of  a  man  of  more  sane  and  healthy  mind — 
a  man  less  under  the  influence  of  that  fantastic  and 
diseased  morality  (so  fantastic  and  diseased  as  to  be 
in  reality  profoundly  immoral)  which  makes  a  man 
in  this  work-a-day  world  refuse  to  do  what  is  possible 
because  he  cannot  accomplish  the  impossible. 

In  the  fifth  volume  of  Lecky's  History  of  England, 
the  historian  draws  an  interesting  distinction  be- 
tween the  qualities  needed  for  a  successful  political 
career  in  modern  society  and  those  which  lead  to 
eminence  in  the  spheres  of  pure  intellect  or  pure 
moral  effort.  He  says: 

" — the  moral  qualities  that  are  required  in  the  higher 
spheres  of  statesmanship  [are  not]  those  of  a  hero  or 
a  saint.  Passionate  earnestness  and  self-devotion, 
complete  concentration  of  every  faculty  on  an  unselfish 
aim,  uncalculating  daring,  a  delicacy  of  conscience 
and  a  loftiness  of  aim  far  exceeding  those  of  the  aver- 
age of  men,  are  here  likely  to  prove  rather  a  hindrance 
than  an  assistance.  The  politician  deals  very  largely 


Introductory  vii 

with  the  superficial  and  the  commonplace;  his  art  is  in 
a  great  measure  that  of  skilful  compromise,  and  in  the 
conditions  of  modern  life,  the  statesman  is  likely  to 
succeed  best  who  possesses  secondary  qualities  to  an 
unusual  degree,  who  is  in  the  closest  intellectual  and 
moral  sympathy  with  the  average  of  the  intelligent  men 
of  his  time,  and  who  pursues  common  ideals  with 
more  than  common  ability.  .  .  .  Tact,  business 
talent,  knowledge  of  men,  resolution,  promptitude  and 
sagacity  in  dealing  with  immediate  emergencies,  a 
character  which  lends  itself  easily  to  conciliation, 
diminishes  friction  and  inspires  confidence,  are  espe- 
cially needed,  and  they  are  more  likely  to  be  found 
among  shrewd  and  enlightened  men  of  the  world  than 
among  men  of  great  original  genius  or  of  an  heroic  type 
of  character." 

The  American  people  should  feel  profoundly 
grateful  that  the  greatest  American  statesman  since 
Washington,  the  statesman  who  in  this  absolutely 
democratic  republic  succeeded  best,  was  the  very 
man  who  actually  combined  the  two  sets  of  qualities 
which  the  historian  thus  puts  in  antithesis.  Abraham 
Lincoln,  the  rail-splitter,  the  Western  country  lawyer, 
was  one  of  the  shrewdest  and  most  enlightened  men 
of  the  world,  and  he  had  all  the  practical  qualities 
which  enable  such  a  man  to  guide  his  countrymen; 
and  yet  he  was  also  a  genius  of  the  heroic  type,  a 


viii  Introductory 

leader  who  rose  level  to  the  greatest  crisis  through 
which  this  nation  or  any  other  nation  had  to  pass  in 
the  nineteenth  century. 


SAGAMORE  HILL, 

OYSTER  BAY,  N.  Y., 
September  22,  1905. 


CONTENTS 

PAGB 

Introduction.     Theodore  Roosevelt        .         .         .         .  iii 

Editor's  Preface     .         .......  xv 

Abraham  Lincoln.     An  Essay.     Carl  Schurz          .         .  i 
Abraham     Lincoln.     Memorial     Address.     Joseph     H. 

Choate    .........  77 

1832 

Address  to  the  People  of  Sangamon  County,  March  gth  .  123 


To  E.  C.  Blankenship,  August  loth        .         .  .         .129 
To  Mr  Spears        .                  ......     130 

1836 

Announcement  of  Political  Views,  June  i3th  .         .131 

To  Robert  Allen,  June  2ist             .         .         .  .         .132 

To  Miss  Mary  Owens,  December  i3th    .         .  .         .133 

1837 

Speech  in  Illinois  Legislature,  January  [  ?  ]  .  .  .  135 

Address  before  the  Young  Men's  Lyceum  of  Spring- 

field, Illinois,  January  27th  .  •  .  .  .  .148 
Protest  in  the  Illinois  Legislature  on  the  Subject  of 

Slavery,  March  3d  (Stone  and  Lincoln)  .  .  .161 

To  Miss  Mary  Owens,  May  7th  .  .  .  .  .  162 

To  John  Bennett,  August  5th  .  .  .  .  .  163 

To  Miss  Mary  Owens,  August  i6th  .  .  .  .164 

To  the  People,  August  igth  .  .  .  .  »  166 


x  Contents 

PAGE 

Reply   to    Gen.    Adams,    October    28th    (Lincoln  and 

Talbott)           .  • .171 

To  the  Public,  October  28th           .         .         .         .  .     180 

1838 

To  Mrs.  O.  H.  Browning,  April  ist         .         .         .         .189 

1839 

Remarks  in  the  Illinois  Legislature,  January  i7th          .     194 

To Row,  June  nth 195 

Speech  at  a  Political  Discussion    in  the  Hall  of  the 
House  of  Representatives  at  Springfield,  Illinois, 
December  [2oth  ?]  .         .         .         .         .         .196 

To  John  T.  Stuart,  December  23d          ....     228 

1840 

Circular  from  Whig  Committee,  January  [ist  ?]     .         .  229 

Resolution  in  the  Illinois  Legislature,  November  28th   .  232 

Resolution  in  the  Illinois  Legislature,  December  2d        .  232 

Remarks  in  the  Illinois  Legislature,  December  4th         .  233 

Remarks  in  the  Illinois  Legislature,  December  4th         .  234 

1841 

To  John  T.  Stuart,  January  23d 235 

Remarks  in  the  Illinois  Legislature,  January  23d  .         .  235 
Circular  from  Whig  Committee,  February  gth        .         .236 
Extract    from    a    Protest    in    the    Illinois    Legislature 
against  the  Reorganization  of  the  Judiciary,  Feb- 
ruary 26th  (Lincoln  and  others)      ,  •      .         .         .  242 
To  Joshua  F.  Speed,  June  i9th      .....  243 
Statement  about  Harry  Wilton,  June  25th  (Edwards 

and  Lincoln)  .         .         *•'.-.         .         .         .  248 

To  Miss  Mary  Speed,  September  27th    .         .         .         .  250 


Contents  xi 


PAGE 


Call  for  Whig  State  Convention,  October  2oth  (Whig 

State  Central  Committee) 252 

1842 

To  Joshua  P.  Speed,  January  (jd  ?]  .  .  .  .252 
To  Joshua  F.  Speed,  February  3d  .  .  .  .255 
To  Joshua  F.  Speed,  February  i3th  .  .  .  .257 
To  G.  B.  Sheledy,  February  i6th  .  .  .  .259 
To  George  E.  Pickett,  February  22d  .  .  .260 
Address  before  the  Springfield  Washingtonian  Temper- 
ance Society,  February  22d 261 

To  Joshua  F.  Speed,  Feburary  25th  ....  275 
To  Joshua  F.  Speed,  February  25th  ....  276 
To  Joshua  F.  Speed,  March  27th  .  .  .  .  .278 

To  Joshua  F.  Speed,  July  4th 281 

A  Letter  from  the  Lost  Townships,  August  27th  .  .  283 
Invitation  to  Henry  Clay,  August  2Qth  (Executive 

Committee  "  Clay  Club ")         .....     291 
Correspondence  about  the  Lincoln-Shields  Duel,  Septem- 
ber 1 7th  (Lincoln  and  Shields)        ....     293 
Memorandum  of  Instruction  to  E.  H.  Merryman,  Lin- 
coln's Second,  September  i9th         ....     295 
To  Joshua  F.  Speed,  October  [4th  ?]  .         .         .297 

1843 

Resolutions  at  a  Whig  Meeting  at  Springfield,  Illinois, 

March  ist        .         .       - 299 

Circular  from  Whig  Committee,  March  4th  .  .  .301 
To  John  Bennett,  March  7th  •  .  .  .  .  .  315 
To  Joshua  F.  Speed,  March  24th  .  .  .  .  .316 
To  Martin  M.  Morris,  March  26th  .  .  .  .316 

To  Gen.  J.  J.  Hardin,  May  nth     .         .         .         .  .      .319 


INTRODUCTORY  NOTE 

"  I  HAVE  endured,"  wrote  Lincoln  not  long  before 
•  his  death,  "a  great  deal  of  ridicule  without 
much  malice,  and  have  received  a  great  deal  of 
kindness  not  quite  free  from  ridicule."  On  Easter 
Day,  1865,  the  world  knew  how  little  this  ridicule, 
how  much  this  kindness,  had  really  signified.  There- 
after, Lincoln  the  man  became  Lincoln  the  hero, 
year  by  year  more  heroic,  until  to-day,  with  the 
swift  passing  of  those  who  knew  him,  his  figure 
grows  ever  dimmer,  less  real.  This  should  not  be. 
For  Lincoln  the  man,  patient,  wise,  set  in  a  high 
resolve,  is  worth  far  more  than  Lincoln  the  hero, 
vaguely  glorious.  Invaluable  is  the  example  of  the 
man,  intangible  that  of  the  hero. 

And,  though  it  is  not  for  us,  as  for  those  who  in 
awed  stillness  listened  at  Gettysburg  with  inspired 
perception,  to  know  Abraham  Lincoln,  yet  there  is 
for  us  another  way  whereby  we  may  attain  such 
knowledge — through  his  words — uttered  in  all  sin- 
cerity to  those  who  loved  or  hated  him.  Cold, 
unsatisfying  they  may  seem,  these  printed  words, 
while  we  can  yet  speak  with  those  who  knew  him, 
and  look  into  eyes  that  once  looked  into  his.  But 
in  truth  it  is  here  that  we  find  his  simple  greatness, 
his  great  simplicity,  and  though  no  man  tried  less 
so  to  show  his  power,  no  man  has  so  shown  it  more 
clearly. 

XV 


xvi  Introductory  Note 

Thus  these  writings  of  Abraham  Lincoln  are 
associated  with  those  of  Washington,  Hamilton, 
Franklin,  and  of  the  other  "Founders  of  the  Re- 
public," not  that  Lincoln  should  become  still  more 
of  the  past,  but,  rather,  that  he  with  them  should 
become  still  more  of  the  present.  However  faint 
and  mythical  may  grow  the  story  of  that  Great 
Struggle,  the  leader,  Lincoln,  at  least  should  remain 
a  real,  living  American.  No  matter  how  clearly, 
how  directly,  Lincoln  has  shown  himself  in  his 
writings,  we  yet  should  not  forget  those  men  whose 
minds,  from  their  various  view-points,  have  illumined 
for  us  his  character.  As  this  nation  owes  a  great 
debt  to  Lincoln,  so,  also,  Lincoln's  memory  owes  a 
great  debt  to  a  nation  which,  as  no  other  nation 
could  have  done,  has  been  able  to  appreciate  his 
full  worth.  Among  the  many  who  have  brought 
about  this  appreciation,  those  only  whose  estimates 
have  been  placed  in  these  volumes  may  be  mentioned 
here.  To  President  Roosevelt,  to  Mr.  Schurz  and 
to  Mr.  Choate,  the  editor,  for  himself,  for  the  pub- 
lishers, and  on  behalf  of  the  readers,  wishes  to  offer 
his  sincere  acknowledgments. 

Thanks  are  also  due,  for  valuable  and  sympa- 
thetic assistance  rendered  in  the  preparation  of  this 
work,  to  Mr.  Gilbert  A.  Tracy,  of  Putnam,  Conn., 
Major  William  H.  Lambert,  of  Philadelphia,  and  Mr. 
C.  F.  Gunther,  of  Chicago,  to  the  Chicago  Historical 
Association  and  personally  to  its  capable  Secretary, 
Miss  Mcllvaine,  to  Major  Henry  S.  Burrage,  of  Port- 
land, Me.,  and  to  General  Thomas  J.  Henderson,  of 
Illinois. 


Introductory  Note  xvii 

For  various  courtesies  received,  the  editor  is 
furthermore  indebted  to  the  Librarian  of  the  Library 
of  Congress;  to  Messrs.  McClure,  Phillips  &  Co.,  D. 
Appleton  &  Co.,  Macmillan  &  Co.,  Dodd,  Mead  &  Co., 
and  Harper  Brothers,  of  New  York;  to  Houghton, 
Mifflin  &  Co.,  Dana,  Estes  &  Co.,  and  L.  C.  Page  & 
Co.,  of  Boston;  to  A.  C.  McClurg  &  Co.,  of  Chicago; 
to  The  Robert  Clarke  Co.,  of  Cincinnati,  and  to  the 
J.  B.  Lippincott  Co.,  of  Philadelphia. 

It  is  hardly  necessary  to  add  that  every  effort  has 
been  made  by  the  editor  to  bring  into  these  volumes 
whatever  material  may  there  properly  belong, 
material  much  of  which  is  widely  scattered  in  public 
libraries  and  in  private  collections.  He  has  been 
fortunate  in  securing  certain  interesting  correspond- 
ence and  papers  which  had  not  before  come  into 
print  in  book  form.  Information  concerning  some 
of  these  papers  had  reached  him  too  late  to  enable 
the  papers  to  find  place  in  their  proper  chronological 
order  in  the  set.  Rather,  however,  than  not  to 
present  these  papers  to  the  readers  they  have  been 
included  in  the  seventh  volume  of  the  set,  which 
concludes  the  "Writings." 

A.  B.  L. 

October,  1905. 


ABRAHAM  LINCOLN:    AN  ESSAY 

BY  CARL  SCHURZ 


VOL.  I.— I. 

X 


Copyright,  1891 

By  CARL  SCHURZ 

and 

HOUGHTON,  MlFFLIN  &  Co. 


This  Essay  is  included  in  the  set  with  the  courteous  permission 
of  the  author  and  of  Messrs.  Houghton,  Mifflin  &  Co. 


ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

NO  American  can  study  the  character  and  career  of 
Abraham  Lincoln  without  being  carried  away 
by  sentimental  emotions.  We  are  always  inclined  to 
idealize  that  which  we  love, — a  state  of  mind  very 
unfavorable  to  the  exercise  of  sober  critical  judgment. 
It  is  therefore  not  surprising  that  most  of  those  who 
have  written  or  spoken  on  that  extraordinary  man, 
even  while  conscientiously  endeavoring  to  draw  a 
lifelike  portraiture  of  his  being,  and  to  form  a  just 
estimate  of  his  public  conduct,  should  have  drifted 
into  more  or  less  indiscriminating  eulogy,  painting 
his  great  features  in  the  most  glowing  colors,  and 
covering  with  tender  shadings  whatever  might  look 
like  a  blemish. 

But  his  standing  before  posterity  will  not  be 
exalted  by  mere  praise  of  his  virtues  and  abilities, 
nor  by  any  concealment  of  his  limitations  and  faults. 
The  stature  of  the  great  man,  one  of  whose  peculiar 
charms  consisted  in  his  being  so  unlike  all  other  great 
men,  will  rather  lose  than  gain  by  the  idealization 
which  so  easily  runs  into  the  commonplace.  For 
it  was  distinctly  the  weird  mixture  of  qualities  and 
forces  in  him,  of  the  lofty  with  the  common,  the  ideal 
with  the  uncouth,  of  that  which  he  had  become  with 
that  which  he  had  not  ceased  to  be,  that  made  him  so 
fascinating  a  character  among  his  fellow-men,  gave 
him  his  singular  power  over  their  minds  and  hearts, 


6  Abraham  Lincoln 

and  fitted  him  to  be  the  greatest  leader  in  the 
greatest  crisis  of  our  national  life. 

His  was  indeed  a  marvellous  growth.  The  states- 
man or  the  military  hero  born  and  reared  in  a  log 
cabin  is  a  familiar  figure  in  American  history ;  but  we 
may  search  in  vain  among  our  celebrities  for  one 
whose  origin  and  early  life  equalled  Abraham  Lin- 
coln's in  wretchedness.  He  first  saw  the  light  in  a 
miserable  hovel  in  Kentucky,  on  a  farm  consisting 
of  a  few  barren  acres  in  a  dreary  neighborhood;  his 
father  a  typical  "poor  Southern  white,"  shiftless  and 
improvident,  without  ambition  for  himself  or  his 
children,  constantly  looking  for  a  new  piece  of  land 
on  which  he  might  make  a  living  without  much  work ; 
his  mother,  in  her  youth  handsome  and  bright,  grown 
prematurely  coarse  in  feature  and  soured  in  mind  by 
daily  toil  and  care;  the  whole  household  squalid, 
cheerless,  and  utterly  void  of  elevating  inspirations. 
Only  when  the  family  had  "moved"  into  the 
malarious  backwoods  of  Indiana,  the  mother  had 
died,  and  a  stepmother,  a  woman  of  thrift  and  energy, 
had  taken  charge  of  the  children,  the  shaggy-headed, 
ragged,  barefooted,  forlorn  boy,  then  seven  years  old, 
"began  to  feel  like  a  human  being."  Hard  work 
was  his  early  lot.  When  a  mere  boy  he  had  to  help 
in  supporting  the  family,  either  on  his  father's  clear- 
ing, or  hired  out  to  other  farmers  to  plough,  or  dig 
ditches,  or  chop  wood,  or  drive  ox  teams;  occa- 
sionally also  to  "tend  the  baby,"  when  the  farmer's 
wife  was  otherwise  engaged.  He  could  regard  it  as 
an  advancement  to  a  higher  sphere  of  activity  when 
he  obtained  work  in  a  "crossroads  store,"  where  he 


Carl  Schurz  7 

amused  the  customers  by  his  talk  over  the  counter; 
for  he  soon  distinguished  himself  among  the  back- 
woods folk  as  one  who  had  something  to  say  worth 
listening  to.  To  win  that  distinction,  he  had  to 
draw  mainly  upon  his  wits;  for,  while  his  thirst  for 
knowledge  was  great,  his  opportunities  for  satisfy- 
ing that  thirst  were  wofully  slender. 

In  the  log  schoolhouse,  which  he  could  visit  but 
little,  he  was  taught  only  reading,  writing,  and 
elementary  arithmetic.  Among  the  people  of  the 
settlement,  bush  farmers  and  small  tradesmen,  he 
found  none  of  uncommon  intelligence  or  education; 
but  some  of  them  had  a  few  books,  which  he  bor- 
rowed eagerly.  Thus  he  read  and  reread  Msop's 
Fables,  learning  to  tell  stories  with  a  point  and  to 
argue  by  parables;  he  read  Robinson  Crusoe,  The 
Pilgrim's  Progress,  a  short  history  of  the  United 
States,  and  Weems's  Life  of  Washington.  To  the 
town  constable's  he  went  to  read  the  Revised 
Statutes  of  Indiana.  Every  printed  page  that  fell 
into  his  hands  he  would  greedily  devour,  and  his 
family  and  friends  watched  him  with  wonder,  as  the 
uncouth  boy,  after  his  daily  work,  crouched  in  a 
corner  of  the  log  cabin  or  outside  under  a  tree,  ab- 
sorbed in  a  book  while  munching  his  supper  of  corn 
bread.  In  this  manner  he  began  to  gather  some 
knowledge,  and  sometimes  he  would  astonish  the 
girls  with  such  startling  remarks  as  that  the  earth 
was  moving  around  the  sun,  and  not  the  sun  around 
the  earth,  and  they  marvelled  where  "Abe"  could 
have  got  such  queer  notions.  Soon  he  also  felt  the 
impulse  to  write;  not  only  making  extracts  from 


8  Abraham  Lincoln 

books  he  wished  to  remember,  but  also  composing 
little  essays  of  his  own.  First  he  sketched  these  with 
charcoal  on  a  wooden  shovel  scraped  white  with  a 
drawing-knife,  or  on  basswood  shingles.  Then  he 
transferred  them  to  paper,  which  was  a  scarce  com- 
modity in  the  Lincoln  household ;  taking  care  to  cut 
his  expressions  close,  so  that  they  might  not  cover 
too  much  space, — a  style-forming  method  greatly  to 
be  commended.  Seeing  boys  put  a  burning  coal  on 
the  back  of  a  wood  turtle,  he  was  moved  to  write  on 
cruelty  to  animals.  Seeing  men  intoxicated  with 
whiskey,  he  wrote  on  temperance.  In  verse-making, 
too,  he  tried  himself,  and  in  satire  on  persons  offen- 
sive to  him  or  others, — satire  the  rustic  wit  of  which 
was  not  always  fit  for  ears  polite.  Also  political 
thoughts  he  put  upon  paper,  and  some  of  his  pieces 
were  even  deemed  good  enough  for  publication  in 
the  county  weekly. 

Thus  he  won  a  neighborhood  reputation  as  a  clever 
young  man,  which  he  increased  by  his  performances 
as  a  speaker,  not  seldom  drawing  upon  himself  the 
dissatisfaction  of  his  employers  by  mounting  a  stump 
in  the  field,  and  keeping  the  farm  hands  from  their 
work  by  little  speeches  in  a  jocose  and  sometimes 
also  a  serious  vein.  At  the  rude  social  frolics  of  the 
settlement  he  became  an  important  person,  telling 
funny  stories,  mimicking  the  itinerant  preachers 
who  had  happened  to  pass  by,  and  making  his  mark 
at  wrestling  matches,  too ;  for  at  the  age  of  seventeen 
he  had  attained  his  full  height,  six  feet  four  inches 
in  his  stockings,  if  he  had  any,  and  a  terribly  mus- 
cular clodhopper  he  was.  But  he  was  known  never 


Carl  Schurz  9 

to  use  his  extraordinary  strength  to  the  injury  or 
humiliation  of  others;  rather  to  do  them  a  kindly 
turn,  or  to  enforce  justice  and  fair  dealing  between 
them.  All  this  made  him  a  favorite  in  backwoods 
society,  although  in  some  things  he  appeared  a  little 
odd  to  his  friends.  Far  more  than  any  of  them,  he 
was  given  not  only  to  reading,  but  to  fits  of  abstrac- 
tion, to  quiet  musing  with  himself,  and  also  to  strange 
spells  of  melancholy,  from  which  he  often  would  pass 
in  a  moment  to  rollicking  outbursts  of  droll  humor. 
But  on  the  whole  he  was  one  of  the  people  among 
whom  he  lived ;  in  appearance  perhaps  even  a  little 
more  uncouth  than  most  of  them, — a  very  tall,  raw- 
boned  youth,  with  large  features,  dark,  shrivelled 
skin,  and  rebellious  hair;  his  arms  and  legs  long,  out 
of  proportion ;  clad  in  deerskin  trousers,  which  from 
frequent  exposure  to  the  rain  had  shrunk  so  as  to  sit 
tightly  on  his  limbs,  leaving  several  inches  of  bluish 
shin  exposed  between  their  lower  end  and  the  heavy 
tan-colored  shoes;  the  nether  garment  held  usually 
by  only  one  suspender,  that  was  strung  over  a  coarse 
home-made  shirt ;  the  head  covered  in  winter  with  a 
coonskin  cap,  in  summer  with  a  rough  straw  hat  of 
uncertain  shape,  without  a  band. 

It  is  doubtful  whether  he  felt  himself  much 
superior  to  his  surroundings,  although  he  confessed 
to  a  yearning  for  some  knowledge  of  the  world  out- 
side of  the  circle  in  which  he  lived.  This  wish  was 
gratified ;  but  how  ?  At  the  age  of  nineteen  he  went 
down  the  Mississippi  to  New  Orleans  as  a  flatboat 
hand,  temporarily  joining  a  trade  many  members  of 
which  at  that  time  still  took  pride  in  being  called 


io  Abraham  Lincoln 

"half  horse  and  half  alligator."  After  his  return  he 
worked  and  lived  in  the  old  way  until  the  spring  of 
1830,  when  his  father  "moved  again,"  this  time  to 
Illinois;  and  on  the  journey  of  fifteen  days  "Abe" 
had  to  drive  the  ox  wagon  which  carried  the  house- 
hold goods.  Another  log  cabin  was  built,  and  then, 
fencing  a  field,  Abraham  Lincoln  split  those  historic 
rails  which  were  destined  to  play  so  picturesque  a 
part  in  the  Presidential  campaign  twenty-eight  years 
later. 

Having  come  of  age,  Lincoln  left  the  family,  and 
"struck  out  for  himself."  He  had  to  "take  jobs 
whenever  he  could  get  them."  The  first  of  these 
carried  him  again  as  a  flatboat  hand  to  New  Orleans. 
There  something  happened  that  made  a  lasting  im- 
pression upon  his  soul:  he  witnessed  a  slave  auction. 
"His  heart  bled,"  wrote  one  of  his  companions; 
"  said  nothing  much ;  was  silent;  looked  bad.  lean 
say,  knowing  it,  that  it  was  on  this  trip  that  he 
formed  his  opinion  on  slavery.  It  run  its  iron  in 
him  then  and  there,  May,  1831.  I  have  heard  him 
say  so  often."  Then  he  lived  several  years  at  New 
Salem,  in  Illinois,  a  small  mushroom  village,  with  a 
mill,  some  "stores"  and  whiskey  shops,  that  rose 
quickly,  and  soon  disappeared  again.  It  was  a 
desolate,  disjointed,  half-working  and  half-loitering 
life,  without  any  other  aim  than  to  gain  food  and 
shelter  from  day  to  day.  He  served  as  pilot  on  a 
steamboat  trip,  then  as  clerk  in  a  store  and  a  mill; 
business  failing,  he  was  adrift  for  some  time.  Being 
compelled  to  measure  his  strength  with  the  chief 
bully  of  the  neighborhood,  and  overcoming  him,  he 


Carl  Schurz  n 

became  a  noted  person  in  that  muscular  community, 
and  won  the  esteem  and  friendship  of  the  ruling  gang 
of  ruffians  to  such  a  degree  that,  when  the  Black 
Hawk  war  broke  out,  they  elected  him,  a  young  man 
of  twenty-three,  captain  of  a  volunteer  company, 
composed  mainly  of  roughs  of  their  kind.  He  took 
the  field,  and  his  most  noteworthy  deed  of  valor 
consisted,  not  in  killing  an  Indian,  but  in  protecting 
against  his  own  men,  at  the  peril  of  his  own  life,  the 
life  of  an  old  savage  who  had  strayed  into  his  camp. 

The  Black  Hawk  war  over,  he  turned  to  politics. 
The  step  from  the  captaincy  of  a  volunteer  company 
to  a  candidacy  for  a  seat  in  the  Legislature  seemed 
a  natural  one.  But  his  popularity,  although  great 
in  New  Salem,  had  not  spread  far  enough  over  the 
district,  and  he  was  defeated.  Then  the  wretched 
hand-to-mouth  struggle  began  again.  He  "set  up 
in  store-business"  with  a  dissolute  partner,  who 
drank  whiskey  while  Lincoln  was  reading  books. 
The  result  was  a  disastrous  failure  and  a  load  of  debt. 
Thereupon  he  became  a  deputy  surveyor,  and  was 
appointed  postmaster  of  New  Salem,  the  business  of 
the  post-office  being  so  small  that  he  could  carry  the 
incoming  and  outgoing  mail  in  his  hat.  All  this  could 
not  lift  him  from  poverty,  and  his  surveying  instru- 
ments and  horse  and  saddle  were  sold  by  the  sheriff 
for  debt. 

But  while  all  this  misery  was  upon  him  his 
ambition  rose  to  higher  aims.  He  walked  many 
miles  to  borrow  from  a  schoolmaster  a  grammar  with 
which  to  improve  his  language.  A  lawyer  lent  him 
a  copy  of  Blackstone,  and  he  began  to  study  law. 


12  Abraham  Lincoln 

People  would  look  wonderingly  at  the  grotesque 
figure  lying  in  the  grass,  "with  his  feet  up  a  tree," 
or  sitting  on  a  fence,  as,  absorbed  in  a  book,  he 
learned  to  construct  correct  sentences  and  made  him- 
self a  jurist.  At  once  he  gained  a  little  practice, 
pettifogging  before  a  justice  of  the  peace  for  friends, 
without  expecting  a  fee.  Judicial  functions,  too, 
were  thrust  upon  him,  but  only  at  horse-races  or 
wrestling  matches,  where  his  acknowledged  honesty 
and  fairness  gave  his  verdicts  undisputed  authority. 
His  popularity  grew  apace,  and  soon  he  could  be  a 
candidate  for  the  Legislature  again.  Although  he 
called  himself  a  Whig,  an  ardent  admirer  of  Henry 
Clay,  his  clever  stump  speeches  won  him  the  election 
in  the  strongly  Democratic  district.  Then  for  the 
first  time,  perhaps,  he  thought  seriously  of  his  out- 
ward appearance.  So  far  he  had  been  content  with 
a  garb  of  "Kentucky  jeans,"  not  seldom  ragged, 
usually  patched,  and  always  shabby.  Now,  he 
borrowed  some  money  from  a  friend  to  buy  a  new 
suit  of  clothes — "store  clothes" — fit  for  a  Sangamon 
County  statesman;  and  thus  adorned  he  set  out  for 
the  state  capital,  Vandalia,  to  take  his  seat  among 
the  lawmakers. 

His  legislative  career,  which  stretched  over  several 
sessions — for  he  was  thrice  re-elected,  in  1836;  1838, 
and  1840 — was  not  remarkably  brilliant.  He  did, 
indeed,  not  lack  ambition.  He  dreamed  even  of 
making  himself  "the  De  Witt  Clinton  of  Illinois," 
and  he  actually  distinguished  himself  by  zealous  and 
effective  work  in  those  "log-rolling"  operations  by 
which  the  young  State  received  "a  general  system 


Carl  Schurz  13 

of  internal  improvements"  in  the  shape  of  railroads, 
canals,  and  banks, — a  reckless  policy,  burdening  the 
State  with  debt,  and  producing  the  usual  crop  of 
political  demoralization,  but  a  policy  characteristic 
of  the  time  and  the  impatiently  enterprising  spirit  of 
the  Western  people.  Lincoln,  no  doubt  with  the 
best  intentions,  but  with  little  knowledge  of  the  sub- 
ject, simply  followed  the  popular  current.  The 
achievement  in  which,  perhaps,  he  gloried  most  was 
the  removal  of  the  State  government  from  Vandalia 
to  Springfield;  one  of  those  triumphs  of  political 
management  which  are  apt  to  be  the  pride  of  the 
small  politician's  statesmanship.  One  thing,  how- 
ever, he  did  in  which  his  true  nature  asserted  itself, 
and  which  gave  distinct  promise  of  the  future  pur- 
suit of  high  aims.  Against  an  overwhelming  pre- 
ponderance of  sentiment  in  the  Legislature,  followed 
by  only  one  other  member,  he  recorded  his  protest 
against  a  proslavery  resolution, — that  protest  de- 
claring "the  institution  of  slavery  to  be  founded  on 
both  injustice  and  bad  policy."  This  was  not  only 
the  irrepressible  voice  of  his  conscience ;  it  was  true 
moral  valor,  too ;  for  at  that  time,  in  many  parts  of 
the  West,  an  abolitionist  was  regarded  as  little  better 
than  a  horse-thief,  and  even  "Abe  Lincoln"  would 
hardly  have  been  forgiven  his  antislavery  princi- 
ples, had  he  not  been  known  as  such  an  "uncommon 
good  fellow."  But  here,  in  obedience  to  the  great 
conviction  of  his  life,  he  manifested  his  courage  to 
stand  alone, — that  courage  which  is  the  first  requisite 
of  leadership  in  a  great  cause. 

Together  with  his  reputation  and  influence  as  a 


H  Abraham  Lincoln 

politician  grew  his  law  practice,  especially  after  he 
had  removed  from  New  Salem  to  Springfield,  and 
associated  himself  with  a  practitioner  of  good  stand- 
ing. He  had  now  at  last  won  a  fixed  position  in 
society.  He  became  a  successful  lawyer,  less,  in- 
deed, by  his  learning  as  a  jurist  than  by  his  effective- 
ness as  an  advocate  and  by  the  striking  uprightness 
of  his  character;  and  it  may  truly  be  said  that  his 
vivid  sense  of  truth  and  justice  had  much  to  do  with 
his  effectiveness  as  an  advocate.  He  would  refuse 
to  act  as  the  attorney  even  of  personal  friends  when 
he  saw  the  right  on  the  other  side.  He  would 
abandon  cases,  even  during  trial,  when  the  testimony 
convinced  him  that  his  client  was  in  the  wrong.  He 
would  dissuade  those  who  sought  his  service  from 
pursuing  an  obtainable  advantage  when  their  claims 
seemed  to  him  unfair.  Presenting  his  very  first  case 
in  the  United  States  Circuit  Court,  the  only  question 
being  one  of  authority,  he  declared  that,  upon  care- 
ful examination,  he  found  all  the  authorities  on  the 
other  side,  and  none  on  his.  Persons  accused  of 
crime,  when  he  thought  them  guilty,  he  would  not 
defend  at  all,  or,  attempting  their  defence,  he  was 
unable  to  put  forth  his  powers.  One  notable  excep- 
tion is  on  record,  when  his  personal  sympathies  had 
been  strongly  aroused.  But  when  he  felt  himself  to 
be  the  protector  of  innocence,  the  defender  of  justice, 
or  the  prosecutor  of  wrong,  he  frequently  disclosed 
such  unexpected  resources  of  reasoning,  such  depth 
of  feeling,  and  rose  to  such  fervor  of  appeal  as  to 
astonish  and  overwhelm  his  hearers,  and  make  him 
fairly  irresistible.  Even  an  ordinary  law  argument, 


Carl  Schurz  15 

coming  from  him,  seldom  failed  to  produce  the  im- 
pression that  he  was  profoundly  convinced  of  the 
soundness  of  his  position.  It  is  not  surprising  that 
the  mere  appearance  of  so  conscientious  an  attorney 
in  any  case  should  have  carried,  not  only  to  juries, 
but  even  to  judges,  almost  a  presumption  of  right  on 
his  side,  and  that  the  people  began  to  call  him, 
sincerely  meaning  it,  "honest  Abe  Lincoln." 

In  the  meantime  he  had  private  sorrows  and  trials 
of  a  painfully  afflicting  nature.  He  had  loved  and 
been  loved  by  a  fair  and  estimable  girl,  Ann  Rutledge, 
who  died  in  the  flower  of  her  youth  and  beauty,  and 
he  mourned  her  loss  with  such  intensity  of  grief  that 
his  friends  feared  for  his  reason.  Recovering  from 
his  morbid  depression,  he  bestowed  what  he  thought 
a  new  affection  upon  another  lady,  who  refused  him. 
And  finally,  moderately  prosperous  in  his  worldly 
affairs,  and  having  prospects  of  political  distinction 
before  him,  he  paid  his  addresses  to  Mary  Todd,  of 
Kentucky,  and  was  accepted.  But  then  tormenting 
doubts  of  the  genuineness  of  his  own  affection  for  her, 
of  the  compatibility  of  their  characters,  and  of  their 
future  happiness  came  upon  him.  His  distress  was 
so  great  that  he  felt  himself  in  danger  of  suicide,  and 
feared  to  carry  a  pocket-knife  with  him ;  and  he  gave 
mortal  offence  to  his  bride  by  not  appearing  on  the 
appointed  wedding  day.  Now  the  torturing  con- 
sciousness of  the  wrong  he  had  done  her  grew  unen- 
durable. He  won  back  her  affection,  ended  the 
agony  by  marrying  her,  and  became  a  faithful  and 
patient  husband  and  a  good  father.  But  it  was  no 
secret  to  those  who  knew  the  family  well  that  his 


1 6  Abraham  Lincoln 

domestic  life  was  full  of  trials.  The  erratic  temper 
of  his  wife  not  seldom  put  the  gentleness  of  his 
nature  to  the  severest  tests ;  and  these  troubles  and 
struggles,  which  accompanied  him  through  all  the 
vicissitudes  of  his  life  from  the  modest  home  in 
Springfield  to  the  White  House  at  Washington, 
adding  untold  private  heartburnings  to  his  public 
cares,  and  sometimes  precipitating  upon  him  incredi- 
ble embarrassments  in  the  discharge  of  his  public 
duties,  form  one  of  the  most  pathetic  features  of  his 
career. 

He  continued  to  "ride  the  circuit,"  read  books 
while  travelling  in  his  buggy,  told  funny  stories  to 
his  fellow-lawyers  in  the  tavern,  chatted  familiarly 
with  his  neighbors  around  the  stove  in  the  store  and 
at  the  post-office,  had  his  hours  of  melancholy  brood- 
ing as  of  old,  and  became  more  and  more  widely 
known  and  trusted  and  beloved  among  the  people  of 
his  State  for  his  ability  as  a  lawyer  and  politician, 
for  the  uprightness  of  his  character  and  the  ever- 
flowing  spring  of  sympathetic  kindness  in  his  heart. 
His  main  ambition  was  confessedly  that  of  political 
distinction;  but  hardly  any  one  would  at  that  time 
have  seen  in  him  the  man  destined  to  lead  the  nation 
through  the  greatest  crisis  of  the  century. 

His  time  had  not  yet  come  when,  in  1846,  he  was 
elected  to  Congress.  In  a  clever  speech  in  the  House 
of  Representatives  he  denounced  President  Polk  for 
having  unjustly  forced  war  upon  Mexico,  and  he 
amused  the  Committee  of  the  Whole  by  a  witty 
attack  upon  General  Cass.  More  important  was  the 
expression  he  gave  to  his  antislavery  impulses  by 


Carl  Schurz  17 

offering  a  bill  looking  to  the  emancipation  of  the 
slaves  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  and  by  his  re- 
peated votes  for  the  famous  Wilmot  Proviso,  in- 
tended to  exclude  slavery  from  the  Territories 
acquired  from  Mexico.  But  when,  at  the  expiration 
of  his  term,  in  March,  1849,  he  left  his  seat,  he 
gloomily  despaired  of  ever  seeing  the  day  when  the 
cause  nearest  to  his  heart  would  be  rightly  grasped 
by  the  people,  and  when  he  would  be  able  to  render 
any  service  to  his  country  in  solving  the  great 
problem.  Nor  had  his  career  as  a  member  of  Con- 
gress in  any  sense  been  such  as  to  gratify  his  ambi- 
tion. Indeed,  if  he  ever  had  any  belief  in  a  great 
destiny  for  himself,  it  must  have  been  weak  at  that 
period;  for  he  actually  sought  to  obtain  from  the 
new  Whig  President,  General  Taylor,  the  place  of 
Commissioner  of  the  General  Land  Office,  willing  to 
bury  himself  in  one  of  the  administrative  bureaus  of 
the  government.  Fortunately  for  the  country,  he 
failed;  and  no  less  fortunately,  when,  later,  the  ter- 
ritorial governorship  of  Oregon  was  offered  to  him, 
Mrs.  Lincoln's  protest  induced  him  to  decline  it. 
Returning  to  Springfield,  he  gave  himself  with  re- 
newed zest  to  his  law  practice,  acquiesced  in  the 
Compromise  of  1850  with  reluctance  and  a  mental  re- 
servation, supported  in  the  Presidential  campaign  of 
1852  the  Whig  candidate  in  some  spiritless  speeches, 
and  took  but  a  languid  interest  in  the  politics  of  the 
day.  But  just  then  his  time  was  drawing  near. 

The  peace  promised,  and  apparently  inaugurated, 
by  the  Compromise  of  1850  was  rudely  broken  by  the 
introduction  of  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Bill  in  1854. 

VOL.  I.— 3. 


1 8  Abraham  Lincoln 

The  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise,  opening  the 
Territories  of  the  United  States,  the  heritage  of 
coming  generations,  to  the  invasion  of  slavery,  sud- 
denly revealed  the  whole  significance  of  the  slavery 
question  to  the  people  of  the  free  States,  and  thrust 
itself  into  the  politics  of  the  country  as  the  par- 
amount issue.  Something  like  an  electric  shock 
flashed  through  the  North.  Men  who  but  a  short 
time  before  had  been  absorbed  by  their  business  pur- 
suits, and  deprecated  all  political  agitation,  were 
startled  out  of  their  security  by  a  sudden  alarm, 
and  excitedly  took  sides.  That  restless  trouble  of 
conscience  about  slavery,  which  even  in  times  of 
apparent  repose  had  secretly  disturbed  the  souls 
of  Northern  people,  broke  forth  in  an  utterance 
louder  than  ever.  The  bonds  of  accustomed  party 
allegiance  gave  way.  Antislavery  Democrats  and 
antislavery  Whigs  felt  themselves  drawn  together 
by  a  common  overpowering  sentiment,  and  soon  they 
began  to  rally  in  a  new  organization.  The  Republi- 
can party  sprang  into  being  to  meet  the  overruling 
call  of  the  hour.  Then  Abraham  Lincoln's  time  was 
come.  He  rapidly  advanced  to  a  position  of  conspicu- 
ous championship  in  the  struggle.  This,  however, 
was  not  owing  to  his  virtues  and  abilities  alone. 
Indeed,  the  slavery  question  stirred  his  soul  in  its 
profoundest  depths;  it  was,  as  one  of  his  intimate 
friends  said,  "the  only  one  on  which  he  would  become 
excited";  it  called  forth  all  his  faculties  and  ener- 
gies. Yet  there  were  many  others  who,  having  long 
and  arduously  fought  the  antislavery  battle  in  the 
popular  assembly,  or  in  the  press,  or  in  the  halls  of 


Carl  Schurz  19 

Congress,  far  surpassed  him  in  prestige,  and  com- 
pared with  whom  he  was  still  an  obscure  and  untried 
man.  His  reputation,  although  highly  honorable 
and  well  earned,  had  so  far  been  essentially  local. 
As  a  stump-speaker  in  Whig  canvasses  outside  of  his 
State  he  had  attracted  comparatively  little  attention ; 
but  in  Illinois  he  had  been  recognized  as  one  of  the 
foremost  men  of  the  Whig  party.  Among  the 
opponents  of  the  Nebraska  Bill  he  occupied  in  his 
State  so  important  a  position,  that  in  1854  he  was 
the  choice  of  a  large  majority  of  the  "Anti-Nebraska 
men  "  in  the  Legislature  for  a  seat  in  the  Senate  of  the 
United  States  which  then  became  vacant ;  and  when 
he,  an  old  Whig,  could  not  obtain  the  votes  of  the 
Anti-Nebraska  Democrats  necessary  to  make  a  ma- 
jority, he  generously  urged  his  friends  to  transfer 
their  votes  to  Lyman  Trumbull,  who  was  then 
elected.  Two  years  later,  in  the  first  national  con- 
vention of  the  Republican  party,  the  delegation  from 
Illinois  brought  him  forward  as  a  candidate  for  the 
vice-presidency,  and  he  received  respectable  sup- 
port. Still,  the  name  of  Abraham  Lincoln  was  not 
widely  known  beyond  the  boundaries  of  his  own 
State.  But  now  it  was  this  local  prominence  in 
Illinois  that  put  him  in  a  position  of  peculiar  advan- 
tage on  the  battlefield  of  national  politics.  In  the 
assault  on  the  Missouri  Compromise  which  broke 
down  all  legal  barriers  to  the  spread  of  slavery 
Stephen  Arnold  Douglas  was  the  ostensible  leader 
and  central  figure ;  and  Douglas  was  a  Senator  from 
Illinois,  Lincoln's  State.  Douglas's  national  theatre 
of  action  was  the  Senate,  but  in  his  constituency 


20  Abraham  Lincoln 

in  Illinois  were  the  roots  of  his  official  position  and 
power.  What  he  did  in  the  Senate  he  had  to  justify 
before  the  people  of  Illinois,  in  order  to  maintain 
himself  in  place;  and  in  Illinois  all  eyes  turned  to 
Lincoln  as  Douglas's  natural  antagonist. 

As  very  young  men  they  had  come  to  Illinois, 
Lincoln  from  Indiana,  Douglas  from  Vermont,  and 
had  grown  up  together  in  public  life,  Douglas  as  a 
Democrat,  Lincoln  as  a  Whig.  They  had  met  first 
in  Vandalia,  in  1834,  when  Lincoln  was  in  the 
Legislature  and  Douglas  in  the  lobby;  and  again  in 
1836,  both  as  members  of  the  Legislature.  Douglas, 
a  very  able  politician,  of  the  agile,  combative, 
audacious,  "pushing"  sort,  rose  in  political  dis- 
tinction with  remarkable  rapidity.  In  quick  suc- 
cession he  became  a  member  of  the  Legislature,  a 
State's  attorney,  secretary  of  state,  a  judge  on  the 
supreme  bench  of  Illinois,  three  times  a  Representa- 
tive in  Congress,  and  a  Senator  of  the  United  States 
when  only  thirty-nine  years  old.  In  the  National 
Democratic  convention  of  1852  he  appeared  even 
as  an  aspirant  to  the  nomination  for  the  Presidency, 
as  the  favorite  of  "young  America,"  and  received  a 
respectable  vote.  He  had  far  outstripped  Lincoln 
in  what  is  commonly  called  political  success  and  in 
reputation.  But  it  had  frequently  happened  that 
in  political  campaigns  Lincoln  felt  himself  impelled, 
or  was  selected  by  his  Whig  friends,  to  answer 
Douglas's  speeches;  and  thus  the  two  were  looked 
upon,  in  a  large  part  of  the  State  at  least,  as  the 
representative  combatants  of  their  respective  parties 
in  the  debates  before  popular  meetings.  As  soon, 


Carl  Schurz  21 

therefore,  as,  after  the  passage  of  his  Kansas-Ne- 
braska Bill,  Douglas  returned  to  Illinois  to  defend 
his  cause  before  his  constituents,  Lincoln,  obeying 
not  only  his  own  impulse,  but  also  general  expecta- 
tion, stepped  forward  as  his  principal  opponent. 
Thus  the  struggle  about  the  principles  involved  in 
the  Kansas-Nebraska  Bill,  or,  in  a  broader  sense, 
the  struggle  between  freedom  and  slavery,  assumed 
in  Illinois  the  outward  form  of  a  personal  contest 
between  Lincoln  and  Douglas;  and,  as  it  continued 
and  became  more  animated,  that  personal  contest 
in  Illinois  was  watched  with  constantly  increasing 
interest  by  the  whole  country.  When,  in  1858, 
Douglas's  senatorial  term  being  about  to  expire, 
Lincoln  was  formally  designated  by  the  Republican 
convention  of  Illinois  as  their  candidate  for  the 
Senate,  to  take  Douglas's  place,  and  the  two  con- 
testants agreed  to  debate  the  questions  at  issue  face 
to  face  in  a  series  of  public  meetings,  the  eyes  of  the 
whole  American  people  were  turned  eagerly  to  that 
one  point:  and  the  spectacle  reminded  one  of  those 
lays  of  ancient  times  telling  of  two  armies,  in  bat- 
tle array,  standing  still  to  see  their  two  principal 
champions  fight  out  the  contested  cause  between 
the  lines  in  single  combat. 

Lincoln  had  then  reached  the  full  maturity  of  his 
powers.  His  equipment  as  a  statesman  did  not 
embrace  a  comprehensive  knowledge  of  public  affairs. 
What  he  had  studied  he  had  indeed  made  his  own, 
with  the  eager  craving  and  that  zealous  tenacity 
characteristic  of  superior  minds  learning  under 
difficulties.  But  his  narrow  opportunities  and  the 


22  Abraham  Lincoln 

unsteady  life  he  had  led  during  his  younger  years 
had  not  permitted  the  accumulation  of  large  stores 
in  his  mind.  It  is  true,  in  political  campaigns  he  had 
occasionally  spoken  on  the  ostensible  issues  between 
the  Whigs  and  the  Democrats,  the  tariff,  internal 
improvements,  banks,  and  so  on,  but  only  in  a  per- 
functory manner.  Had  he  ever  given  much  serious 
thought  and  study  to  these  subjects,  it  is  safe  to 
assume  that  a  mind  so  prolific  of  original  conceits  as 
his  would  certainly  have  produced  some  utterance 
upon  them  worth  remembering.  His  soul  had  evi- 
dently never  been  deeply  stirred  by  such  topics. 
But  when  his  moral  nature  was  aroused,  his  brain 
developed  an  untiring  activity  until  it  had  mastered 
all  the  knowledge  within  reach.  As  soon  as  the 
repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise  had  thrust  the 
slavery  question  into  politics  as  the  paramount 
issue,  Lincoln  plunged  into  an  arduous  study  of  all 
its  legal,  historical,  and  moral  aspects,  and  then  his 
mind  became  a  complete  arsenal  of  argument.  His 
rich  natural  gifts,  trained  by  long  and  varied 
practice,  had  made  him  an  orator  of  rare  persuasive- 
ness. In  his  immature  days,  he  had  pleased  himself 
for  a  short  period  with  that  inflated,  high-flown 
style  which,  among  the  uncultivated,  passes  for 
"beautiful  speaking."  His  inborn  truthfulness  and 
his  artistic  instinct  soon  overcame  that  aberration 
and  revealed  to  him  the  noble  beauty  and  strength 
of  simplicity.  He  possessed  an  uncommon  power  of 
clear  and  compact  statement,  which  might  have  re- 
minded those  who  knew  the  story  of  his  early  youth 
of  the  efforts  of  the  poor  boy,  when  he  copied  his 


Carl  Schurz  23 

compositions  from  the  scraped  wooden  shovel,  care- 
fully to  trim  his  expressions  in  order  to  save  paper. 
His  language  had  the  energy  of  honest  directness 
and  he  was  a  master  of  logical  lucidity.  He  loved 
to  point  and  enliven  his  reasoning  by  humorous 
illustrations,  usually  anecdotes  of  Western  life,  of 
which  he  had  an  inexhaustible  store  at  his  command. 
These  anecdotes  had  not  seldom  a  flavor  of  rustic 
robustness  about  them,  but  he  used  them  with  great 
effect,  while  amusing  the  audience,  to  give  life  to 
an  abstraction,  to  explode  an  absurdity,  to  clinch 
an  argument,  to  drive  home  an  admonition.  The 
natural  kindliness  of  his  tone,  softening  prejudice 
and  disarming  partisan  rancor,  would  often  open  to 
his  reasoning  a  way  into  minds  most  unwilling  to 
receive  it. 

Yet  his  greatest  power  consisted  in  the  charm 
of  his  individuality.  That  charm  did  not,  in  the 
ordinary  way,  appeal  to  the  ear  or  to  the  eye.  His 
voice  was  not  melodious;  rather  shrill  and  piercing, 
especially  when  it  rose  to  its  high  treble  in  moments 
of  great  animation.  His  figure  was  unhandsome, 
and  the  action  of  his  unwieldy  limbs  awkward.  He 
commanded  none  of  the  outward  graces  of  oratory 
as  they  are  commonly  understood.  His  charm  was 
of  a  different  kind.  It  flowed  from  the  rare  depth 
and  genuineness  of  his  convictions  and  his  sym- 
pathetic feelings.  Sympathy  was  the  strongest 
element  in  his  nature.  One  of  his  biographers,  who 
knew  him  before  he  became  President,  says:  "Lin- 
coln's compassion  might  be  stirred  deeply  by  an 
object  present,  but  never  by  an  object  absent  and 


24  Abraham  Lincoln 

unseen.  In  the  former  case  he  would  most  likely 
extend  relief,  with  little  inquiry  into  the  merits  of 
the  case,  because,  as  he  expressed  it  himself,  it  '  took 
a  pain  out  of  his  own  heart.' '  Only  half  of  this 
is  correct.  It  is  certainly  true  that  he  could  not 
witness  any  individual  distress  or  oppression,  or  any 
kind  of  suffering,  without  feeling  a  pang  of  pain  him- 
self, and  that  by  relieving  as  much  as  he  could  the 
suffering  of  others  he  put  an  end  to  his  own.  This 
compassionate  impulse  to  help  he  felt  not  only  for 
human  beings,  but  for  every  living  creature.  As  in 
his  boyhood  he  angrily  reproved  the  boys  who 
tormented  a  wood  turtle  by  putting  a  burning  coal 
on  its  back,  so,  we  are  told,  he  would,  when  a  mature 
man,  on  a  journey,  dismount  from  his  buggy  and 
wade  waist-deep  in  mire  to  rescue  a  pig  struggling  in 
a  swamp.  Indeed,  appeals  to  his  compassion  were  so 
irresistible  to  him,  and  he  felt  it  so  difficult  to  refuse 
anything  when  his  refusal  could  give  pain,  that  he 
himself  sometimes  spoke  of  his  inability  to  say  "no" 
as  a  positive  weakness.  But  that  certainly  does  not 
prove  that  his  compassionate  feeling  was  confined  to 
individual  cases  of  suffering  witnessed  with  his  own 
eyes.  As  the  boy  was  moved  by  the  aspect  of  the 
tortured  wood  turtle  to  compose  an  essay  against 
cruelty  to  animals  in  general,  so  the  aspect  of  other 
cases  of  suffering  and  wrong  wrought  up  his  moral 
nature,  and  set  his  mind  to  work  against  cruelty, 
injustice,  and  oppression  in  general. 

As  his  sympathy  went  forth  to  others,  it  attracted 
others  to  him.  Especially  those  whom  he  called  the 
"plain  people"  felt  themselves  drawn  to  him  by  the 


Carl  Schurz  25 

instinctive  feeling  that  he  understood,  esteemed, 
and  appreciated  them.  He  had  grown  up  among 
the  poor,  the  lowly,  the  ignorant.  He  never  ceased 
to  remember  the  good  souls  he  had  met  among  them, 
and  the  many  kindnesses  they  had  done  him.  Al- 
though in  his  mental  development  he  had  risen  far 
above  them,  he  never  looked  down  upon  them.  How 
they  felt  and  how  they  reasoned  he  knew,  for  so  he 
had  once  felt  and  reasoned  himself.  How  they  could 
be  moved  he  knew,  for  so  he  had  once  been  moved 
himself  and  practised  moving  others.  His  mind 
was  much  larger  than  theirs,  but  it  thoroughly  com- 
prehended theirs;  and  while  he  thought  much 
farther  than  they,  their  thoughts  were  ever  present 
to  him.  Nor  had  the  visible  distance  between  them 
grown  as  wide  as  his  rise  in  the  world  would  seem  to 
have  warranted.  Much  of  his  backwoods  speech 
and  manners  still  clung  to  him.  Although  he  had 
become  "Mr.  Lincoln"  to  his  later  acquaintances, 
he  was  still  "Abe"  to  the  "Nats"  and  "Billys"  and 
"Daves"  of  his  youth;  and  their  familiarity  neither 
appeared  unnatural  to  them,  nor  was  it  in  the  least 
awkward  to  him.  He  still  told  and  enjoyed  stories 
similar  to  those  he  had  told  and  enjoyed  in  the 
Indiana  settlement  and  at  New  Salem.  His  wants 
remained  as  modest  as  they  had  ever  been;  his  do- 
mestic habits  had  by  no  means  completely  accom- 
modated themselves  to  those  of  his  more  highborn 
wife ;  and  though  the  ' '  Kentucky  jeans ' '  apparel  had 
long  been  dropped,  his  clothes  of  better  material  and 
better  make  would  sit  ill  sorted  on  his  gigantic  limbs. 
His  cotton  umbrella,  without  a  handle,  and  tied 


26  Abraham  Lincoln 

together  with  a  coarse  string  to  keep  it  from  flapping, 
which  he  carried  on  his  circuit  rides,  is  said  to  be 
remembered  still  by  some  of  his  surviving  neighbors. 
This  rusticity  of  habit  was  utterly  free  from  that 
affected  contempt  of  refinement  and  comfort  which 
self-made  men  sometimes  carry  into  their  more 
affluent  circumstances.  To  Abraham  Lincoln  it  was 
entirely  natural,  and  all  those  who  came  into  con- 
tact with  him  knew  it  to  be  so.  In  his  ways  of 
thinking  and  feeling  he  had  become  a  gentleman  in 
the  highest  sense,  but  the  refining  process  had 
polished  but  little  the  outward  form.  The  plain 
people,  therefore,  still  considered  "honest  Abe 
Lincoln"  one  of  themselves;  and  when  they  felt, 
which  they  no  doubt  frequently  did,  that  his  thoughts 
and  aspirations  moved  in  a  sphere  above  their  own, 
they  were  all  the  more  proud  of  him,  without  any 
diminution  of  fellow-feeling.  It  was  this  relation  of 
mutual  sympathy  and  understanding  between  Lin- 
coln and  the  plain  people  that  gave  him  his  peculiar 
power  as  a  public  man,  and  singularly  fitted  him,  as 
we  shall  see,  for  that  leadership  which  was  pre- 
eminently required  in  the  great  crisis  then  coming 
on, — the  leadership  which  indeed  thinks  and  moves 
ahead  of  the  masses,  but  always  remains  within  sight 
and  sympathetic  touch  of  them. 

He  entered  upon  the  campaign  of  1858  better 
equipped  than  he  had  ever  been  before.  He  not 
only  instinctively  felt,  but  he  had  convinced  himself 
by  arduous  study,  that  in  this  struggle  against  the 
spread  of  slavery  he  had  right,  justice,  philosophy, 
the  enlightened  opinion  of  mankind,  history,  the 


Carl  Schurz  27 

Constitution,  and  good  policy  on  his  side.  It  was 
observed  that  after  he  began  to  discuss  the  slavery 
question  his  speeches  were  pitched  in  a  much  loftier 
key  than  his  former  oratorical  efforts.  While  he 
remained  fond  of  telling  funny  stories  in  private  con- 
versation, they  disappeared  more  and  more  from  his 
public  discourse.  He  would  still  now  and  then  point 
his  argument  with  expressions  of  inimitable  quaint- 
ness,  and  flash  out  rays  of  kindly  humor  and  witty 
irony;  but  his  general  tone  was  serious,  and  rose 
sometimes  to  genuine  solemnity.  His  masterly 
skill  in  dialectical  thrust  and  parry,  his  wealth  of 
knowledge,  his  power  of  reasoning  and  elevation  of 
sentiment,  disclosed  in  language  of  rare  precision, 
strength,  and  beauty,  not  seldom  astonished  his  old 
friends. 

Neither  of  the  two  champions  could  have  found  a 
more  formidable  antagonist  than  each  now  met  in 
the  other.  Douglas  was  by  far  the  most  conspicu- 
ous member  of  his  party.  His  admirers  had  dubbed 
him  "the  Little  Giant,"  contrasting  in  that  nick- 
name the  greatness  of  his  mind  with  the  smallness 
of  his  body.  But  though  of  low  stature,  his  broad- 
shouldered  figure  appeared  uncommonly  sturdy,  and 
there  was  something  lionlike  in  the  squareness  of  his 
brow  and  jaw,  and  in  the  defiant  shake  of  his  long 
hair.  His  loud  and  persistent  advocacy  of  territorial 
expansion,  in  the  name  of  patriotism  and  "manifest 
destiny,"  had  given  him  an  enthusiastic  following 
among  the  young  and  ardent.  Great  natural  parts, 
a  highly  combative  temperament,  and  long  training 
had  made  him  a  debater  unsurpassed  in  a  Senate 


28  Abraham  Lincoln 

filled  with  able  men.  He  could  be  as  forceful  in  his 
appeals  to  patriotic  feelings  as  he  was  fierce  in  de- 
nunciation and  thoroughly  skilled  in  all  the  baser 
tricks  of  parliamentary  pugilism.  While  genial  and 
rollicking  in  his  social  intercourse — the  idol  of  the 
"boys" — he  felt  himself  one  of  the  most  renowned 
statesmen  of  his  time,  and  would  frequently  meet 
his  opponents  with  an  overbearing  haughtiness,  as 
persons  more  to  be  pitied  than  to  be  feared.  In  his 
speech  opening  the  campaign  of  1858,  he  spoke  of 
Lincoln,  whom  the  Republicans  had  dared  to  ad- 
vance as  their  candidate  for ' '  his  "  place  in  the  Senate, 
with  an  air  of  patronizing  if  not  contemptuous  con- 
descension, as  "a  kind,  amiable,  and  intelligent 
gentleman  and  a  good  citizen."  The  Little  Giant 
would  have  been  pleased  to  pass  off  his  antagonist  as 
a  tall  dwarf.  He  knew  Lincoln  too  well,  however, 
to  indulge  himself  seriously  in  such  a  delusion.  But 
the  political  situation  was  at  that  moment  in  a 
curious  tangle,  and  Douglas  could  expect  to  de- 
rive from  the  confusion  great  advantage  over  his 
opponent. 

By  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise,  open- 
ing the  Territories  to  the  ingress  of  slavery,  Douglas 
had  pleased  the  South,  but  greatly  alarmed  the 
North.  He  had  sought  to  conciliate  Northern  senti- 
ment by  appending  to  his  Kansas-Nebraska  Bill 
the  declaration  that  its  intent  was  "not  to  legislate 
slavery  into  any  State  or  Territory,  nor  to  exclude  it 
therefrom,  but  to  leave  the  people  thereof  perfectly 
free  to  form  and  regulate  their  institutions  in  their 
own  way,  subject  only  to  the  Constitution  of  the 


Carl  Schurz  29 

United  States."  This  he  called  "the  great  principle 
of  popular  sovereignty."  When  asked  whether, 
under  this  act,  the  people  of  a  Territory,  before  its 
admission  as  a  State,  would  have  the  right  to  ex- 
clude slavery,  he  answered,  "That  is  a  question  for 
the  courts  to  decide. ' '  Then  came  the  famous  ' '  Dred 
Scott  decision,"  in  which  the  Supreme  Court  held 
substantially  that  the  right  to  hold  slaves  as  prop- 
erty existed  in  the  Territories  by  virtue  of  the  Federal 
Constitution,  and  that  this  right  could  not  be  denied 
by  any  act  of  a  territorial  government.  This,  of 
course,  denied  the  right  of  the  people  of  any  Terri- 
tory to  exclude  slavery  while  they  were  in  a  territorial 
condition,  and  it  alarmed  the  Northern  people  still 
more.  Douglas  recognized  the  binding  force  of  the 
decision  of  the  Supreme  Court,  at  the  same  time 
maintaining,  most  illogically,  that  his  great  principle 
of  popular  sovereignty  remained  in  force  neverthe- 
less. Meanwhile,  the  proslavery  people  of  western 
Missouri,  the  so-called  "border  ruffians,"  had  invaded 
Kansas,  set  up  a  constitutional  convention,  made  a 
constitution  of  an  extreme  proslavery  type,  the  ' '  Le- 
compton  Constitution,"  refused  to  submit  it  fairly  to 
a  vote  of  the  people  of  Kansas,  and  then  referred  it 
to  Congress  for  acceptance, — seeking  thus  to  accom- 
plish the  admission  of  Kansas  as  a  slave  State.  Had 
Douglas  supported  such  a  scheme,  he  would  have 
lost  all  foothood  in  the  North.  In  the  name  of 
popular  sovereignty  he  loudly  declared  his  opposi- 
tion to  the  acceptance  of  any  constitution  not 
sanctioned  by  a  formal  popular  vote.  He  "did  not 
care,"  he  said,  "whether  slavery  be  voted  up  or 


30  Abraham  Lincoln 

down,"  but  there  must  be  a  fair  vote  of  the  people. 
Thus  he  drew  upon  himself  the  hostility  of  the 
Buchanan  administration,  which  was  controlled  by 
the  proslavery  interest,  but  he  saved  his  Northern 
following.  More  than  this,  not  only  did  his  Demo- 
cratic admirers  now  call  him  "the  true  champion  of 
freedom,"  but  even  some  Republicans  of  large  in- 
fluence, prominent  among  them  Horace  Greeley, 
sympathizing  with  Douglas  in  his  fight  against  the 
Lecompton  Constitution,  and  hoping  to  detach  him 
permanently  from  the  proslavery  interest  and  to 
force  a  lasting  breach  in  the  Democratic  party, 
seriously  advised  the  Republicans  of  Illinois  to  give 
up  their  opposition  to  Douglas,  and  to  help  re-elect 
him  to  the  Senate.  Lincoln  was  not  of  that  opinion. 
He  believed  that  great  popular  movements  can 
succeed  only  when  guided  by  their  faithful  friends, 
and  that  the  antislavery  cause  could  not  safely  be 
entrusted  to  the  keeping  of  one  who  "did  not  care 
whether  slavery  be  voted  up  or  down."  This  opin- 
ion prevailed  in  Illinois;  but  the  influences  within 
the  Republican  party  over  which  it  prevailed 
yielded  only  a  reluctant  acquiescence,  if  they  ac- 
quiesced at  all,  after  having  materially  strengthened 
Douglas's  position.  Such  was  the  situation  of  things 
when  the  campaign  of  1858  between  Lincoln  and 
Douglas  began. 

Lincoln  opened  the  campaign  on  his  side  at  the 
convention  which  nominated  him  as  the  Republican 
candidate  for  the  senatorship,  with  a  memorable 
saying  which  sounded  like  a  shout  from  the  watch- 
tower  of  history:  "A  house  divided  against  itself 


Carl  Schurz  31 

cannot  stand.  I  believe  this  government  cannot 
endure  permanently  half  slave  and  half  free.  I  do 
not  expect  the  Union  to  be  dissolved.  I  do  not 
expect  the  house  to  fall,  but  I  expect  it  will  cease  to 
be  divided.  It  will  become  all  one  thing  or  all  the 
other.  Either  the  opponents  of  slavery  will  arrest 
the  further  spread  of  it,  and  place  it  where  the  public 
mind  shall  rest  in  the  belief  that  it  is  in  the  course  of 
ultimate  extinction,  or  its  advocates  will  push  it 
forward,  till  it  shall  become  alike  lawful  in  all  the 
States, — old  as  well  as  new,  North  as  well  as  South." 
Then  he  proceeded  to  point  out  that  the  Nebraska 
doctrine  combined  with  the  Dred  Scott  decision 
worked  in  the  direction  of  making  the  nation  "all 
slave. ' '  Here  was  the  ' '  irrepressible  conflict ' '  spoken 
of  by  Seward  a  short  time  later,  in  a  speech  made 
famous  mainly  by  that  phrase.  If  there  was  any 
new  discovery  in  it,  the  right  of  priority  was  Lincoln's. 
This  utterance  proved  not  only  his  statesmanlike 
conception  of  the  issue,  but  also,  in  his  situation  as  a 
candidate,  the  firmness  of  his  moral  courage.  The 
friends  to  whom  he  had  read  the  draught  of  this 
speech  before  he  delivered  it  warned  him  anxiously 
that  its  delivery  might  be  fatal  to  his  success  in  the 
election.  This  was  shrewd  advice,  in  the  ordinary 
sense.  While  a  slaveholder  could  threaten  disunion 
with  impunity,  the  mere  suggestion  that  the  exist- 
ence of  slavery  was  incompatible  with  freedom  in  the 
Union  would  hazard  the  political  chances  of  any 
public  man  in  the  North.  But  Lincoln  was  in- 
flexible. "It  is  true,"  said  he,  "and  I  will  deliver 
it  as  written.  I  would  rather  be  defeated 


32  Abraham  Lincoln 

with  these  expressions  in  my  speech  held  up  and  dis- 
cussed before  the  people  than  be  victorious  without 
them."  The  statesman  was  right  in  his  far-seeing 
judgment  and  his  conscientious  statement  of  the 
truth,  but  the  practical  politicians  were  also  right  in 
their  prediction  of  the  immediate  effect.  Douglas 
instantly  seized  upon  the  declaration  that  a  house 
divided  against  itself  cannot  stand  as  the  main 
objective  point  of  his  attack,  interpreting  it  as  an 
incitement  to  a  "relentless  sectional  war,"  and  there 
is  no  doubt  that  the  persistent  reiteration  of  this 
charge  served  to  frighten  not  a  few  timid  souls. 

Lincoln  constantly  endeavored  to  bring  the  moral 
and  philosophical  side  of  the  subject  to  the  fore- 
ground. "Slavery  is  wrong"  was  the  keynote  of  all 
his  speeches.  To  Douglas's  glittering  sophism  that 
the  right  of  the  people  of  a  Territory  to  have  slavery 
or  not,  as  they  might  desire,  was  in  accordance  with 
the  principle  of  true  popular  sovereignty,  he  made 
the  pointed  answer :  ' '  Then  true  popular  sovereignty, 
according  to  Senator  Douglas,  means  that,  when  one 
man  makes  another  man  his  slave,  no  third  man  shall 
be  allowed  to  object."  To  Douglas's  argument  that 
the  principle  which  demanded  that  the  people  of  a 
Territory  should  be  permitted  to  choose  whether 
they  would  have  slavery  or  not  "originated  when 
God  made  man,  and  placed  good  and  evil  before 
him,  allowing  him  to  choose  upon  his  own  responsi- 
bility," Lincoln  solemnly  replied:  "No;  God  did 
not  place  good  and  evil  before  man,  telling  him  to 
make  his  choice.  On  the  contrary,  God  did  tell  him 
there  was  one  tree  of  the  fruit  of  which  he  should  not 


Carl  Schurz  33 

eat,  upon  pain  of  death."  He  did  not,  however, 
place  himself  on  the  most  advanced  ground  taken 
by  the  radical  antislavery  men.  He  admitted  that, 
under  the  Constitution,  "the  Southern  people  were 
entitled  to  a  Congressional  fugitive  slave  law," 
although  he  did  not  approve  the  fugitive  slave  law 
then  existing.  He  declared  also  that,  if  slavery  were 
kept  out  of  the  Territories  during  their  territorial 
existence,  as  it  should  be,  and  if  then  the  people  of 
any  Territory,  having  a  fair  chance  and  a  clear  field, 
should  do  such  an  extraordinary  thing  as  to  adopt  a 
slave  constitution,  uninfluenced  by  the  actual  pres- 
ence of  the  institution  among  them,  he  saw  no  alter- 
native but  to  admit  such  a  Territory  into  the  Union. 
He  declared  further  that,  while  he  should  be  exceed- 
ingly glad  to  see  slavery  abolished  in  the  District  of 
Columbia,  he  would,  as  a  member  of  Congress,  with 
his  present  views,  not  endeavor  to  bring  on  that 
abolition  except  on  condition  that  emancipation  be 
gradual,  that  it  be  approved  by  the  decision  of  a 
majority  of  voters  in  the  District,  and  that  com- 
pensation be  made  to  unwilling  owners.  On  every 
available  occasion,  he  pronounced  himself  in  favor  of 
the  deportation  and  colonization  of  the  blacks,  of 
course  with  their  consent.  He  repeatedly  disavowed 
any  wish  on  his  part  to  have  social  and  political 
equality  established  between  whites  and  blacks.  On 
this  point  he  summed  up  his  views  in  a  reply  to 
Douglas's  assertion  that  the  Declaration  of  Independ- 
ence, in  speaking  of  all  men  as  being  created  equal, 
did  not  include  the  negroes,  saying :  "I  do  not  under- 
stand the  Declaration  of  Independence  to  mean  that 

VOL.  I. — 3. 


34  Abraham  Lincoln 

all  men  were  created  equal  in  all  respects.  They 
are  not  equal  in  color.  But  I  believe  that  it  does 
mean  to  declare  that  all  men  are  equal  in  some 
respects ;  they  are  equal  in  their  right  to  life,  liberty, 
and  the  pursuit  of  happiness." 

With  regard  to  some  of  these  subjects  Lincoln 
modified  his  position  at  a  later  period,  and  it  has 
been  suggested  that  he  would  have  professed  more 
advanced  principles  in  his  debates  with  Douglas, 
had  he  not  feared  thereby  to  lose  votes.  This  view 
can  hardly  be  sustained.  Lincoln  had  the  courage 
of  his  opinions,  but  he  was  not  a  radical.  The  man 
who  risked  his  election  by  delivering,  against  the 
urgent  protest  of  his  friends,  the  speech  about  "the 
house  divided  against  itself"  would  not  have  shrunk 
from  the  expression  of  more  extreme  views,  had  he 
really  entertained  them.  It  is  only  fair  to  assume 
that  he  said  what  at  the  time  he  really  thought,  and 
that  if,  subsequently,  his  opinions  changed,  it  was 
owing  to  new  conceptions  of  good  policy  and  of  duty 
brought  forth  by  an  entirely  new  set  of  circum- 
stances and  exigencies.  It  is  characteristic  that  he 
continued  to  adhere  to  the  impracticable  coloniza- 
tion plan  even  after  the  Emancipation  Proclamation 
had  already  been  issued. 

But  in  this  contest  Lincoln  proved  himself  not 
only  a  debater,  but  also  a  political  strategist  of  the 
first  order.  The  "kind,  amiable,  and  intelligent 
gentleman,"  as  Douglas  had  been  pleased  to  call  him, 
was  by  no  means  as  harmless  as  a  dove.  He  pos- 
sessed an  uncommon  share  of  that  worldly  shrewd- 
ness which  not  seldom  goes  with  genuine  simplicity 


Carl  Schurz  35 

of  character;  and  the  political  experience  gathered 
in  the  Legislature  and  in  Congress,  and  in  many 
election  campaigns,  added  to  his  keen  intuitions, 
had  made  him  as  far-sighted  a  judge  of  the  probable 
effects  of  a  public  man's  sayings  or  doings  upon  the 
popular  mind,  and  as  accurate  a  calculator  in  esti- 
mating political  chances  and  forecasting  results,  as 
could  be  found  among  the  party  managers  in  Illinois. 
And  now  he  perceived  keenly  the  ugly  dilemma  in 
which  Douglas  found  himself,  between  the  Dred 
Scott  decision,  which  declared  the  right  to  hold  slaves 
to  exist  in  the  Territories  by  virtue  of  the  Federal 
Constitution,  and  his  "great  principle  of  popular 
sovereignty,"  according  to  which  the  people  of  a 
Territory,  if  they  saw  fit,  were  to  have  the  right  to 
exclude  slavery  therefrom.  Douglas  was  twisting 
and  squirming  to  the  best  of  his  ability  to  avoid  the 
admission  that  the  two  were  incompatible.  The 
question  then  presented  itself  if  it  would  be  good 
policy  for  Lincoln  to  force  Douglas  to  a  clear  expres- 
sion of  his  opinion  as  to  whether,  the  Dred  Scott 
decision  notwithstanding,  "the  people  of  a  Terri- 
tory could  in  any  lawful  way  exclude  slavery  from 
its  limits  prior  to  the  formation  of  a  State  constitu- 
tion." Lincoln  foresaw  and  predicted  what  Douglas 
would  answer:  that  slavery  could  not  exist  in  a 
Territory  unless  the  people  desired  it  and  gave  it  pro- 
tection by  territorial  legislation.  In  an  improvised 
caucus  the  policy  of  pressing  the  interrogatory  on 
Douglas  was  discussed.  Lincoln's  friends  unani- 
mously advised  against  it,  because  the  answer  fore- 
seen would  sufficiently  commend  Douglas  to  the 


36  Abraham  Lincoln 

people  of  Illinois  to  insure  his  re-election  to  the  Senate. 
But  Lincoln  persisted.  "I  am  after  larger  game," 
said  he.  "If  Douglas  so  answers,  he  can  never  be 
President,  and  the  battle  of  1860  is  worth  a  hundred 
of  this."  The  interrogatory  was  pressed  upon  Doug- 
las, and  Douglas  did  answer  that,  no  matter  what 
the  decision  of  the  Supreme  Court  might  be  on  the 
abstract  question,  the  people  of  a  Territory  had  the 
lawful  means  to  introduce  or  exclude  slavery  by 
territorial  legislation  friendly  or  unfriendly  to  the 
institution.  Lincoln  found  it  easy  to  show  the 
absurdity  of  the  proposition  that,  if  slavery  were 
admitted  to  exist  of  right  in  the  Territories  by  virtue 
of  the  supreme  lav/,  the  Federal  Constitution,  it 
could  be  kept  out  or  expelled  by  an  inferior  law, 
one  made  by  a  territorial  Legislature.  Again  the 
judgment  of  the  politicians,  having  only  the  nearest 
object  in  view,  proved  correct:  Douglas  was  re- 
elected  to  the  Senate.  But  Lincoln's  judgment 
proved  correct  also:  Douglas,  by  resorting  to  the 
expedient  of  his  "unfriendly  legislation  doctrine," 
forfeited  his  last  chance  of  becoming  President  of  the 
United  States.  He  might  have  hoped  to  win,  by 
sufficient  atonement,  his  pardon  from  the  South  for 
his  opposition  to  the  Lecompton  Constitution;  but 
that  he  taught  the  people  of  the  Territories  a  trick 
by  which  they  could  defeat  what  the  proslavery 
men  considered  a  constitutional  right,  and  that  he 
called  that  trick  lawful, — this  the  slave  power  would 
never  forgive.  The  breach  between  the  Southern 
and  the  Northern  Democracy  was  thenceforth  ir- 
remediable and  fatal. 


Carl  Schurz  37 

The  Presidential  election  of  1860  approached. 
The  struggle  in  Kansas,  and  the  debates  in  Congress 
which  accompanied  it,  and  which  not  unfrequently 
provoked  violent  outbursts,  continually  stirred  the 
popular  excitement.  Within  the  Democratic  party 
raged  the  war  of  factions.  The  national  Demo- 
cratic convention  met  at  Charleston  on  the  23d 
of  April,  1860.  After  a  struggle  of  ten  days  be- 
tween the  adherents  and  the  opponents  of  Douglas, 
during  which  the  delegates  from  the  cotton  States 
had  withdrawn,  the  convention  adjourned  without 
having  nominated  any  candidates,  to  meet  again 
in  Baltimore  on  the  i8th  of  June.  There  was  no 
prospect,  however,  of  reconciling  the  hostile  ele- 
ments. It  appeared  very  probable  that  the  Balti- 
more convention  would  nominate  Douglas,  while 
the  seceding  Southern  Democrats  would  set  up  a 
candidate  of  their  own,  representing  extreme  pro- 
slavery  principles. 

Meanwhile,  the  national  Republican  convention 
assembled  at  Chicago  on  the  i6th  of  May,  full  of 
enthusiasm  and  hope.  The  situation  was  easily 
understood.  The  Democrats  would  have  the  South. 
In  order  to  succeed  in  the  election,  the  Republicans 
had  to  win,  in  addition  to  the  States  carried  by 
Fremont  in  1856,  those  that  were  classed  as  "doubt- 
ful,"— New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  and  Indiana,  or 
Illinois  in  the  place  of  either  New  Jersey  or  Indiana. 
The  most  eminent  Republican  statesmen  and  leaders 
of  the  time  thought  of  for  the  Presidency  were 
Seward  and  Chase,  both  regarded  as  belonging  to  the 
more  advanced  order  of  antislavery  men.  Of  the 


38  Abraham  Lincoln 

two,  Seward  had  the  largest  following,  mainly  from 
New  York,  New  England,  and  the  Northwest. 
Cautious  politicians  doubted  seriously  whether  Sew- 
ard, to  whom  some  phrases  in  his  speeches  had 
undeservedly  given  the  reputation  of  a  reckless 
radical,  would  be  able  to  command  the  whole  Re- 
publican vote  in  the  doubtful  States.  Besides, 
during  his  long  public  career  he  had  made  enemies. 
It  was  evident  that  those  who  thought  Seward' s 
nomination  too  hazardous  an  experiment  would 
consider  Chase  unavailable  for  the  same  reason, 
They  would  then  look  round  for  an  "available" 
man;  and  among  the  "available"  men  Abraham 
Lincoln  was  easily  discovered  to  stand  foremost. 
His  great  debate  with  Douglas  had  given  him  a 
national  reputation.  The  people  of  the  East  being 
eager  to  see  the  hero  of  so  dramatic  a  contest,  he  had 
been  induced  to  visit  several  Eastern  cities,  and  had 
astonished  and  delighted  large  and  distinguished 
audiences  with  speeches  of  singular  power  and 
originality.  An  address  delivered  by  him  in  the 
Cooper  Institute  in  New  York,  before  an  audience 
containing  a  large  number  of  important  persons, 
was  then,  and  has  ever  since  been,  especially  praised 
as  one  of  the  most  logical  and  convincing  political 
speeches  ever  made  in  this  country.  The  people  of 
the  West  had  grown  proud  of  him  as  a  distinctively 
Western  great  man,  and  his  popularity  at  home  had 
some  peculiar  features  which  could  be  expected  to 
exercise  a  potent  charm.  Nor  was  Lincoln's  name 
as  that  of  an  available  candidate  left  to  the  chance 
of  accidental  discovery.  It  is  indeed  not  probable 


Carl  Schurz  39 

that  he  thought  of  himself  as  a  Presidential  possi- 
bility, during  his  contest  with  Douglas  for  the 
senator  ship.  As  late  as  April,  1859,  he  had  written 
to  a  friend  who  had  approached  him  on  the  subject 
that  he  did  not  think  himself  fit  for  the  Presidency. 
The  Vice-Presidency  was  then  the  limit  of  his  ambi- 
tion. But  some  of  his  friends  in  Illinois  took  the 
matter  seriously  in  hand,  and  Lincoln,  after  some 
hesitation,  then  formally  authorized  "the  use  of  his 
name."  The  matter  was  managed  with  such  energy 
and  excellent  judgment  that,  in  the  convention,  he 
had  not  only  the  whole  vote  of  Illinois  to  start  with, 
but  won  votes  on  all  sides  without  offending  any 
rival.  A  large  majority  of  the  opponents  of  Seward 
went  over  to  Abraham  Lincoln,  and  gave  him  the 
nomination  on  the  third  ballot.  As  had  been  fore- 
seen, Douglas  was  nominated  by  one  wing  of  the 
Democratic  party  at  Baltimore,  while  the  extreme 
proslavery  wing  put  Breckinridge  into  the  field  as 
its  candidate.  After  a  campaign  conducted  with 
the  energy  of  genuine  enthusiasm  on  the  antislavery 
side  the  united  Republicans  defeated  the  divided 
Democrats,  and  Lincoln  was  elected  President  by  a 
majority  of  fifty-seven  votes  in  the  electoral  colleges. 
The  result  of  the  election  had  hardly  been  declared 
when  the  disunion  movement  in  the  South,  long 
threatened  and  carefully  planned  and  prepared, 
broke  out  in  the  shape  of  open  revolt,  and  nearly  a 
month  before  Lincoln  could  be  inaugurated  as 
President  of  the  United  States  seven  Southern 
States  had  adopted  ordinances  of  secession,  formed 
an  independent  confederacy,  framed  a  constitution 


40  Abraham  Lincoln 

for  it,  and  elected  Jefferson  Davis  its  president, 
expecting  the  other  slaveholding  States  soon  to  join 
them.  On  the  nth  of  February,  1861,  Lincoln  left 
Springfield  for  Washington ;  having,  with  character- 
istic simplicity,  asked  his  law  partner  not  to  change 
the  sign  of  the  firm  "Lincoln  and  Herndon"  during 
the  four  years'  unavoidable  absence  of  the  senior 
partner,  and  having  taken  an  affectionate  and 
touching  leave  of  his  neighbors. 

The  situation  which  confronted  the  new  President 
was  appalling:  the  larger  part  of  the  South  in  open 
rebellion,  the  rest  of  the  slaveholding  States  wavering 
preparing  to  follow;  the  revolt  guided  by  deter- 
mined, daring,  and  skilful  leaders;  the  Southern 
people,  apparently  full  of  enthusiasm  and  military 
spirit,  rushing  to  arms,  some  of  the  forts  and  arsenals 
already  in  their  possession;  the  government  of  the 
Union,  before  the  accession  of  the  new  President, 
in  the  hands  of  men  some  of  whom  actively  sym- 
pathized with  the  revolt,  while  others  were  hampered 
by  their  traditional  doctrines  in  dealing  with  it,  and 
really  gave  it  aid  and  comfort  by  their  irresolute 
attitude;  all  the  departments  full  of  "Southern 
sympathizers"  and  honey-combed  with  disloyalty; 
the  treasury  empty,  and  the  public  credit  at  the 
lowest  ebb;  the  arsenals  ill  supplied  with  arms,  if 
not  emptied  by  treacherous  practices;  the  regular 
army  of  insignificant  strength,  dispersed  over  an 
immense  surface,  and  deprived  of  some  of  its  best 
officers  by  defection ;  the  navy  small  and  antiquated. 
But  that  was  not  all.  The  threat  of  disunion  had  so 
often  been  resorted  to  by  the  slave  power  in  years 


Carl  Schurz  41 

gone  by  that  most  Northern  people  had  ceased  to 
believe  in  its  seriousness.  But,  when  disunion 
actually  appeared  as  a  stern  reality,  something  like 
a  chill  swept  through  the  whole  Northern  country. 
A  cry  for  union  and  peace  at  any  price  rose  on  all 
sides.  Democratic  partisanship  reiterated  this  cry 
with  vociferous  vehemence,  and  even  many  Republi- 
cans grew  afraid  of  the  victory  they  had  just  achieved 
at  the  ballot-box,  and  spoke  of  compromise.  The 
country  fairly  resounded  with  the  noise  of  "anti- 
coercion  meetings."  Expressions  of  firm  resolution 
from  determined  antislavery  men  were  indeed  not 
wanting,  but  they  were  for  a  while  almost  drowned 
by  a  bewildering  confusion  of  discordant  voices. 
Even  this  was  not  all.  Potent  influences  in  Europe, 
with  an  ill-concealed  desire  for  the  permanent  dis- 
ruption of  the  American  Union,  eagerly  espoused 
the  cause  of  the  Southern  seceders,  and  the  two 
principal  maritime  powers  of  the  Old  World  seemed 
only  to  be  waiting  for  a  favorable  opportunity  to 
lend  them  a  helping  hand. 

This  was  the  state  of  things  to  be  mastered  by 
"honest  Abe  Lincoln"  when  he  took  his  seat  in  the 
Presidential  chair, — "honest  Abe  Lincoln,"  who  was 
so  good-natured  that  he  could  not  say  "no";  the 
greatest  achievement  in  whose  life  had  been  a  debate 
on  the  slavery  question ;  who  had  never  been  in  any 
position  of  power;  who  was  without  the  slightest 
experience  of  high  executive  duties,  and  who  had 
only  a  speaking  acquaintance  with  the  men  upon 
whose  counsel  and  co-operation  he  was  to  de- 
pend. Nor  was  his  accession  to  power  under  such 


42  Abraham  Lincoln 

circumstances  greeted  with  general  confidence  even 
by  the  members  of  his  party.  While  he  had  indeed 
won  much  popularity,  many  Republicans,  especially 
among  those  who  had  advocated  Seward's  nomina- 
tion for  the  Presidency,  saw  the  simple  "Illinois 
lawyer"  take  the  reins  of  government  with  a  feeling 
little  short  of  dismay.  The  orators  and  journals 
of  the  opposition  were  ridiculing  and  lampooning 
him  without  measure.  Many  people  actually  won- 
dered how  such  a  man  could  dare  to  undertake  a 
task  which,  as  he  himself  had  said  to  his  neighbors 
in  his  parting  speech,  was  "more  difficult  than  that  of 
Washington  himself  had  been." 

But  Lincoln  brought  to  that  task,  aside  from 
other  uncommon  qualities,  the  first  requisite, — an 
intuitive  comprehension  of  its  nature.  While  he 
did  not  indulge  in  the  delusion  that  the  Union  could 
be  maintained  or  restored  without  a  conflict  of  arms, 
he  could  indeed  not  foresee  all  the  problems  he  would 
have  to  solve.  He  instinctively  understood,  how- 
ever, by  what  means  that  conflict  would  have  to  be 
conducted  by  the  government  of  a  democracy.  He 
knew  that  the  impending  war,  whether  great  or 
small,  would  not  be  like  a  foreign  war,  exciting  a 
united  national  enthusiasm,  but  a  civil  war,  likely 
to  fan  to  uncommon  heat  the  animosities  of  party 
even  in  the  localities  controlled  by  the  government; 
that  this  war  would  have  to  be  carried  on  not  by 
means  of  a  ready-made  machinery,  ruled  by  an  un- 
disputed, absolute  will,  but  by  means  to  be  furnished 
by  the  voluntary  action  of  the  people: — armies  to 
be  formed  by  voluntary  enlistments ;  large  sums  of 


Carl  Schurz  43 

money  to  be  raised  by  the  people,  through  repre- 
sentatives, voluntarily  taxing  themselves;  trust  of 
extraordinary  power  to  be  voluntarily  granted ;  and 
war  measures,  not  seldom  restricting  the  rights 
and  liberties  to  which  the  citizen  was  accustomed, 
to  be  voluntarily  accepted  and  submitted  to  by 
the  people,  or  at  least  a  large  majority  of  them; — 
and  that  this  would  have  to  be  kept  up  not  merely 
during  a  short  period  of  enthusiastic  excitement, 
but  possibly  through  weary  years  of  alternating 
success  and  disaster,  hope  and  despondency.  He 
knew  that  in  order  to  steer  this  government  by 
public  opinion  successfully  through  all  the  con- 
fusion created  by  the  prejudices  and  doubts  and  dif- 
ferences of  sentiment  distracting  the  popular  mind, 
and  so  to  propitiate,  inspire,  mould,  organize,  unite, 
and  guide  the  popular  will  that  it  might  give  forth 
all  the  means  required  for  the  performance  of  his 
great  task,  he  would  have  to  take  into  account  all 
the  influences  strongly  affecting  the  current  of  popu- 
lar thought  and  feeling,  and  to  direct  while  appearing 
to  obey. 

This  was  the  kind  of  leadership  he  intuitively 
conceived  to  be  needed  when  a  free  people  were  to  be 
led  forward  en  masse  to  overcome  a  great  common 
danger  under  circumstances  of  appalling  difficulty, 
— the  leadership  which  does  not  dash  ahead  with 
brilliant  daring,  no  matter  who  follows,  but  which  is 
intent  upon  rallying  all  the  available  forces,  gather- 
ing in  the  stragglers,  closing  up  the  column,  so  that 
the  front  may  advance  well  supported.  For  this 
leadership  Abraham  Lincoln  was  admirably  fitted, 


44  Abraham  Lincoln 

— better  than  any  other  American  statesman  of  his 
day;  for  he  understood  the  plain  people,  with  all 
their  loves  and  hates,  their  prejudices  and  their  noble 
impulses,  their  weaknesses  and  their  strength,  as 
he  understood  himself,  and  his  sympathetic  nature 
was  apt  to  draw  their  sympathy  to  him. 

His  inaugural  address  foreshadowed  his  official 
course  in  characteristic  manner.  Although  yielding 
nothing  in  point  of  principle,  it  was  by  no  means  a 
flaming  antislavery  manifesto,  such  as  would  have 
pleased  the  more  ardent  Republicans.  It  was 
rather  the  entreaty  of  a  sorrowing  father  speaking  to 
his  wayward  children.  In  the  kindliest  language 
he  pointed  out  to  the  secessionists  how  ill  advised 
their  attempt  at  disunion  was,  and  why,  for  their 
own  sakes,  they  should  desist.  Almost  plaintively, 
he  told  them  that,  while  it  was  not  their  duty  to  de- 
stroy the  Union,  it  was  his  sworn  duty  to  preserve  it ; 
that  the  least  he  could  do,  under  the  obligations  of 
his  oath,  was  to  possess  and  hold  the  property  of  the 
United  States;  that  he  hoped  to  do  this  peaceably; 
that  he  abhorred  war  for  any  purpose,  and  that  they 
would  have  none  unless  they  themselves  were  the 
aggressors.  It  was  a  masterpiece  of  persuasiveness, 
and  while  Lincoln  had  accepted  many  valuable 
amendments  suggested  by  Seward,  it  was  essentially 
his  own.  Probably  Lincoln  himself  did  not  expect 
his  inaugural  address  to  have  any  effect  upon  the 
secessionists,  for  he  must  have  known  them  to  be 
resolved  upon  disunion  at  any  cost.  But  it  was  an 
appeal  to  the  wavering  minds  in  the  North,  and  upon 
them  it  made  a  profound  impression.  Every  candid 


Carl  Schurz  45 

man,  however  timid  and  halting,  had  to  admit  that 
the  President  was  bound  by  his  oath  to  do  his  duty; 
that  under  that  oath  he  could  do  no  less  than  he  said 
he  would  do;  that  if  the  secessionists  resisted  such 
an  appeal  as  the  President  had  made,  they  were  bent 
upon  mischief,  and  that  the  government  must  be 
supported  against  them.  The  partisan  sympathy 
with  the  Southern  insurrection  which  still  existed 
in  the  North  did  indeed  not  disappear,  but  it  di- 
minished perceptibly  under  the  influence  of  such 
reasoning.  Those  who  still  resisted  it  did  so  at  the 
risk  of  appearing  unpatriotic. 

It  must  not  be  supposed,  however,  that  Lincoln 
at  once  succeeded  in  pleasing  everybody,  even 
among  his  friends, — even  among  those  nearest  to 
him.  In  selecting  his  cabinet,  which  he  did  sub- 
stantially before  he  left  Springfield  for  Washington, 
he  thought  it  wise  to  call  to  his  assistance  the  strong 
men  of  his  party,  especially  those  who  had  given 
evidence  of  the  support  they  commanded  as  his 
competitors  in  the  Chicago  convention.  In  them  he 
found  at  the  same  time  representatives  of  the  differ- 
ent shades  of  opinion  within  the  party,  and  of  the 
different  elements — former  Whigs  and  former  Demo- 
crats— from  which  the  party  had  recruited  itself. 
This  was  sound  policy  under  the  circumstances.  It 
might  indeed  have  been  foreseen  that  among  the 
members  of  a  cabinet  so  composed,  troublesome 
disagreements  and  rivalries  would  break  out.  But 
it  was  better  for  the  President  to  have  these  strong 
and  ambitious  men  near  him  as  his  co-operators  than 
to  have  them  as  his  critics  in  Congress,  where  their 


46  Abraham  Lincoln 

differences  might  have  been  composed  in  a  common 
opposition  to  him.  As  members  of  his  cabinet  he 
could  hope  to  control  them,  and  to  keep  them 
busily  employed  in  the  service  of  a  common  purpose, 
if  he  had  the  strength  to  do  so.  Whether  he  did 
possess  this  strength  was  soon  tested  by  a  singularly 
rude  trial. 

There  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  foremost  members 
of  his  cabinet,  Seward  and  Chase,  the  most  eminent 
Republican  statesmen,  had  felt  themselves  wronged 
by  their  party  when  in  its  national  convention  it 
preferred  to  them  for  the  Presidency  a  man  whom, 
not  unnaturally,  they  thought  greatly  their  inferior 
in  ability  and  experience  as  well  as  in  service.  The 
soreness  of  that  disappointment  was  intensified 
when  they  saw  this  Western  man  in  the  White  House, 
with  so  much  of  rustic  manner  and  speech  as  still 
clung  to  him,  meeting  his  fellow-citizens,  high  and 
low,  on  a  footing  of  equality,  with  the  simplicity  of 
his  good  nature  unburdened  by  any  conventional 
dignity  of  deportment,  and  dealing  with  the  great 
business  of  state  in  an  easy-going,  unmethodical, 
and  apparently  somewhat  irreverent  way.  They 
did  not  understand  such  a  man.  Especially  Seward, 
who,  as  Secretary  of  State,  considered  himself  next 
to  the  Chief  Executive,  and  who  quickly  accustomed 
himself  to  giving  orders  and  making  arrangements 
upon  his  own  motion,  thought  it  necessary  that  he 
should  rescue  the  direction  of  public  affairs  from 
hands  so  unskilled,  and  take  full  charge  of  them 
himself.  At  the  end  of  the  first  month  of  the  admin- 
istration he  submitted  a  "memorandum"  to  Presi- 


Carl  Schurz  47 

dent  Lincoln,  which  has  been  first  brought  to  light 
by  Nicolay  and  Hay,  and  is  one  of  their  most 
valuable  contributions  to  the  history  of  those  days. 
In  that  paper  Seward  actually  told  the  President  that 
at  the  end  of  a  month's  administration  the  govern- 
ment was  still  without  a  policy,  either  domestic  or 
foreign;  that  the  slavery  question  should  be  elimi- 
nated from  the  struggle  about  the  Union;  that  the 
matter  of  the  maintenance  of  the  forts  and  other 
possessions  in  the  South  should  be  decided  with 
that  view;  that  explanations  should  be  demanded 
categorically  from  the  governments  of  Spain  and 
France,  which  were  then  preparing,  one  for  the  an- 
nexation of  San  Domingo,  and  both  for  the  invasion 
of  Mexico ;  that  if  no  satisfactory  explanations  were 
received  war  should  be  declared  against  Spain  and 
France  by  the  United  States;  that  explanations 
should  also  be  sought  from  Russia  and  Great  Britain, 
and  a  vigorous  continental  spirit  of  independence 
against  European  intervention  be  aroused  all  over 
the  American  continent;  that  this  policy  should  be 
incessantly  pursued  and  directed  by  somebody; 
that  either  the  President  should  devote  himself  en- 
tirely to  it,  or  devolve  the  direction  on  some  member 
of  his  cabinet,  whereupon  all  debate  on  this  policy 
must  end. 

This  could  be  understood  only  as  a  formal  demand 
that  the  President  should  acknowledge  his  own 
incompetency  to  perform  his  duties,  content  himself 
with  the  amusement  of  distributing  post-offices,  and 
resign  his  power  as  to  all  important  affairs  into  the 
hands  of  his  Secretary  of  State.  It  seems  to-day 


48  Abraham  Lincoln 

incomprehensible  how  a  statesman  of  Seward's  cali- 
bre could  at  that  period  conceive  a  plan  of  policy  in 
which  the  slavery  question  had  no  place;  a  policy 
which  rested  upon  the  utterly  delusive  assumption 
that  the  secessionists,  who  had  already  formed  their 
Southern  Confederacy  and  were  with  stern  resolu- 
tion preparing  to  fight  for  its  independence,  could 
be  hoodwinked  back  into  the  Union  by  some  senti- 
mental demonstration  against  European  interfer- 
ence ;  a  policy  which,  at  that  critical  moment,  would 
have  involved  the  Union  in  a  foreign  war,  thus 
inviting  foreign  intervention  in  favor  of  the  Southern 
Confederacy,  and  increasing  tenfold  its  chances  in 
the  struggle  for  independence.  But  it  is  equally  in- 
comprehensible how  Seward  could  fail  to  see  that  this 
demand  of  an  unconditional  surrender  was  a  mortal 
insult  to  the  head  of  the  government,  and  that  by 
putting  his  proposition  on  paper  he  delivered  himself 
into  the  hands  of  the  very  man  he  had  insulted ;  for, 
had  Lincoln,  as  most  Presidents  would  have  done, 
instantly  dismissed  Seward,  and  published  the  true 
reason  for  that  dismissal,  it  would  inevitably  have 
been  the  end  of  Seward's  career.  But  Lincoln  did 
what  not  many  of  the  noblest  and  greatest  men  in 
history  would  have  been  noble  and  great  enough  to 
do.  He  considered  that  Seward  was  still  capable  of 
rendering  great  service  to  his  country  in  the  place 
in  which  he  was,  if  rightly  controlled.  He  ignored 
the  insult,  but  firmly  established  his  superiority. 
In  his  reply,  which  he  forthwith  despatched,  he  told 
Seward  that  the  administration  had  a  domestic  policy 
as  laid  down  in  the  inaugural  address  with  Seward's 


Carl  Schurz  49 

approval;  that  it  had  a  foreign  policy  as  traced  in 
Seward's  despatches  with  the  President's  approval; 
that  if  any  policy  was  to  be  maintained  or  changed, 
he,  the  President,  was  to  direct  that  on  his  responsi- 
bility; and  that  in  performing  that  duty  the  Presi- 
dent had  a  right  to  the  advice  of  his  secretaries. 
Seward's  fantastic  schemes  of  foreign  war  and  con- 
tinental policies  Lincoln  brushed  aside  by  passing 
them  over  in  silence.  Nothing  more  was  said. 
Seward  must  have  felt  that  he  was  at  the  mercy  of  a 
superior  man;  that  his  offensive  proposition  had 
been  generously  pardoned  as  a  temporary  aberration 
of  a  great  mind,  and  that  he  could  atone  for  it  only 
by  devoted  personal  loyalty.  This  he  did.  He  was 
thoroughly  subdued,  and  thenceforth  submitted  to 
Lincoln  his  despatches  for  revision  and  amendment 
without  a  murmur.  The  war  with  European  na- 
tions was  no  longer  thought  of ;  the  slavery  question 
found  in  due  time  its  proper  place  in  the  struggle 
for  the  Union ;  and  when,  at  a  later  period,  the  dis- 
missal of  Seward  was  demanded  by  dissatisfied 
senators,  who  attributed  to  him  the  shortcomings  of 
the  administration,  Lincoln  stood  stoutly  by  his 
faithful  Secretary  of  State. 

Chase,  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  a  man  of 
superb  presence,  of  eminent  ability  and  ardent 
patriotism,  of  great  natural  dignity  and  a  certain 
outward  coldness  of  manner,  which  made  him  ap- 
pear more  difficult  of  approach  than  he  really  was, 
did  not  permit  his  disappointment  to  burst  out  in 
such  extravagant  demonstrations.  But  Lincoln's 
ways  were  so  essentially  different  from  his  that  they 


VOL.   I.— 4. 


50  Abraham  Lincoln 

never  became  quite  intelligible,  and  certainly  not 
congenial  to  him.  It  might,  perhaps,  have  been 
better  had  there  been,  at  the  beginning  of  the  ad- 
ministration, some  decided  clash  between  Lincoln 
and  Chase,  as  there  was  between  Lincoln  and 
Seward,  to  bring  on  a  full  mutual  explanation,  and 
to  make  Chase  appreciate  the  real  seriousness  of 
Lincoln's  nature.  But,  as  it  was,  their  relations 
always  remained  somewhat  formal,  and  Chase  never 
felt  quite  at  ease  under  a  chief  whom  he  could  not 
understand,  and  whose  character  and  powers  he 
never  learned  to  esteem  at  their  true  value.  At  the 
same  time,  he  devoted  himself  zealously  to  the 
duties  of  his  department,  and  did  the  country 
arduous  service  under  circumstances  of  extreme 
difficulty.  Nobody  recognized  this  more  heartily 
than  Lincoln  himself,  and  they  managed  to  work 
together  until  near  the  end  of  Lincoln's  first  Presi- 
dential term,  when  Chase,  after  some  disagreements 
concerning  appointments  to  office,  resigned  from  the 
treasury;  and,  after  Taney's  death,  the  President 
made  him  Chief  Justice. 

The  rest  of  the  cabinet  consisted  of  men  of  less 
eminence,  who  subordinated  themselves  more  easily. 
In  January,  1862,  Lincoln  found  it  necessary  to  bow 
Cameron  out  of  the  war  office,  and  to  put  in  his  place 
Edwin  M.  Stanton,  a  man  of  intensely  practical 
mind,  vehement  impulses,  fierce  positiveness,  ruth- 
less energy,  immense  working  power,  lofty  patriot- 
ism, and  severest  devotion  to  duty.  He  accepted  the 
war  office  not  as  a  partisan,  for  he  had  never  been  a 
Republican,  but  only  to  do  all  he  could  in  "helping 


Carl  Schurz  51 

to  save  the  country."  The  manner  in  which  Lin- 
coln succeeded  in  taming  this  lion  to  his  will,  by 
frankly  recognizing  his  great  qualities,  by  giving  him 
the  most  generous  confidence,  by  aiding  him  in  his 
work  to  the  full  of  his  power,  by  kindly  concession  or 
affectionate  persuasiveness  in  cases  of  differing  opin- 
ions, or,  when  it  was  necessary,  by  firm  assertions 
of  superior  authority,  bears  the  highest  testimony 
to  his  skill  in  the  management  of  men.  Stanton, 
who  had  entered  the  service  with  rather  a  mean 
opinion  of  Lincoln's  character  and  capacity,  became 
one  of  his  warmest,  most  devoted,  and  most  admir- 
ing friends,  and  with  none  of  his  secretaries  was 
Lincoln's  intercourse  more  intimate.  To  take  advice 
with  candid  readiness,  and  to  weigh  it  without  any 
pride  of  his  own  opinion,  was  one  of  Lincoln's  pre- 
eminent virtues;  but  he  had  not  long  presided  over 
his  cabinet  council  when  his  was  felt  by  all  its  mem- 
bers to  be  the  ruling  mind. 

The  cautious  policy  foreshadowed  in  his  inaugu- 
ral address,  and  pursued  during  the  first  period  of 
the  civil  war,  was  far  from  satisfying  all  his  party 
friends.  The  ardent  spirits  among  the  Union  men 
thought  that  the  whole  North  should  at  once  be 
called  to  arms,  to  crush  the  rebellion  by  one  power- 
ful blow.  The  ardent  spirits  among  the  anti- 
slavery  men  insisted  that,  slavery  having  brought 
forth  the  rebellion,  this  powerful  blow  should  at 
once  be  aimed  at  slavery.  Both  complained  that  the 
administration  was  spiritless,  undecided,  and  lament- 
ably slow  in  its  proceedings.  Lincoln  reasoned 
otherwise.  The  ways  of  thinking  and  feeling  of  the 


52  Abraham  Lincoln 

masses,  of  the  plain  people,  were  constantly  present 
to  his  mind.  The  masses,  the  plain  people,  had  to 
furnish  the  men  for  the  righting,  if  fighting  was  to  be 
done.  He  believed  that  the  plain  people  would  be 
ready  to  fight  when  it  clearly  appeared  necessary, 
and  that  they  would  feel  that  necessity  when  they 
felt  themselves  attacked.  He  therefore  waited  until 
the  enemies  of  the  Union  struck  the  first  blow.  As 
soon  as,  on  the  i2th  of  April,  1861,  the  first  gun  was 
fired  in  Charleston  harbor  on  the  Union  flag  upon 
Fort  Sumter,  the  call  was  sounded,  and  the  Northern 
people  rushed  to  arms. 

Lincoln  knew  that  the  plain  people  were  now 
indeed  ready  to  fight  in  defence  of  the  Union,  but 
not  yet  ready  to  fight  for  the  destruction  of  slavery. 
He  declared  openly  that  he  had  a  right  to  summon 
the  people  to  fight  for  the  Union,  but  not  to  summon 
them  to  fight  for  the  abolition  of  slavery  as  a  primary 
object;  and  this  declaration  gave  him  numberless 
soldiers  for  the  Union  who  at  that  period  would  have 
hesitated  to  do  battle  against  the  institution  of 
slavery.  For  a  time  he  succeeded  in  rendering 
harmless  the  cry  of  the  partisan  opposition  that  the 
Republican  administration  were  perverting  the  war 
for  the  Union  into  an  "abolition  war."  But  when 
he  went  so  far  as  to  countermand  the  acts  of  some 
generals  in  the  field,  looking  to  the  emancipation  of 
the  slaves  in  the  districts  covered  by  their  commands, 
loud  complaints  arose  from  earnest  antislavery 
men,  who  accused  the  President  of  turning  his  back 
upon  the  antislavery  cause.  Many  of  these  anti- 
slavery  men  will  now,  after  a  calm  retrospect,  be 


Carl  Schurz  53 

willing  to  admit  that  it  would  have  been  a  hazardous 
policy  to  endanger,  by  precipitating  a  demonstrative 
fight  against  slavery,  the  success  of  the  struggle  for 
the  Union. 

Lincoln's  views  and  feelings  concerning  slavery 
had  not  changed.  Those  who  conversed  with  him 
intimately  upon  the  subject  at  that  period  know 
that  he  did  not  expect  slavery  long  to  survive  the 
triumph  of  the  Union,  even  if  it  were  not  immedi- 
ately destroyed  by  the  war.  In  this  he  was  right. 
Had  the  Union  armies  achieved  a  decisive  victory  in 
an  early  period  of  the  conflict,  and  had  the  seceded 
States  been  received  back  with  slavery,  the  "slave 
power"  would  then  have  been  a  defeated  power, — 
defeated  in  an  attempt  to  carry  out  its  most  effect- 
ive threat.  It  would  have  lost  its  prestige.  Its 
menaces  would  have  been  hollow  sound,  and  ceased 
to  make  any  one  afraid.  It  could  no  longer  have 
hoped  to  expand,  to  maintain  an  equilibrium  in  any 
branch  of  Congress,  and  to  control  the  government. 
The  victorious  free  States  would  have  largely  over- 
balanced it.  It  would  no  longer  have  been  able  to 
withstand  the  onset  of  a  hostile  age.  It  could  no 
longer  have  ruled, — and  slavery  had  to  rule  in  order 
to  live.  It  would  have  lingered  for  a  while,  but  it 
would  surely  have  been  "in  the  course  of  ultimate 
extinction."  A  prolonged  war  precipitated  the 
destruction  of  slavery ;  a  short  war  might  only  have 
prolonged  its  death  struggle.  Lincoln  saw  this 
clearly;  but  he  saw  also  that,  in  a  protracted  death 
struggle,  it  might  still  have  kept  disloyal  sentiments 
alive,  bred  distracting  commotions,  and  caused  great 


54  Abraham  Lincoln 

mischief  to  the  country.     He  therefore  hoped  that 
slavery  would  not  survive  the  war. 

But  the  question  how  he  could  rightfully  employ 
his  power  to  bring  on  its  speedy  destruction  was  to 
him  not  a  question  of  mere  sentiment.  He  himself 
set  forth  his  reasoning  upon  it,  at  a  later  period,  in 
one  of  his  inimitable  letters.  "I  am  naturally  anti- 
slavery,"  said  he.  "If  slavery  is  not  wrong,  nothing 
is  wrong.  I  cannot  remember  the  time  when  I  did 
not  so  think  and  feel.  And  yet  I  have  never  under- 
stood that  the  Presidency  conferred  upon  me  an 
unrestricted  right  to  act  upon  that  judgment  and 
feeling.  It  was  in  the  oath  I  took  that  I  would,  to 
the  best  of  my  ability,  preserve,  protect,  and  defend 
the  Constitution  of  the  United  States.  I  could  not 
take  the  office  without  taking  the  oath.  Nor  was  it 
my  view  that  I  might  take  an  oath  to  get  power,  and 
break  the  oath  in  using  that  power.  I  understood, 
too,  that,  in  ordinary  civil  administration,  this  oath 
even  forbade  me  practically  to  indulge  my  private 
abstract  judgment  on  the  moral  question  of  slavery. 
I  did  understand,  however,  also,  that  my  oath  im- 
posed upon  me  the  duty  of  preserving,  to  the  best 
of  my  ability,  by  every  indispensable  means,  that 
government,  that  nation,  of  which  the  Constitution 
was  the  organic  law.  I  could  not  feel  that,  to  the 
best  of  my  ability,  I  had  even  tried  to  preserve  the 
Constitution  if,  to  save  slavery,  or  any  minor  matter, 
I  should  permit  the  wreck  of  government,  country, 
and  Constitution  all  together."  In  other  words,  if 
the  salvation  of  the  government,  the  Constitution, 
and  the  Union  demanded  the  destruction  of  slavery, 


Carl  Schurz  55 

he  felt  it  to  be  not  only  his  right,  but  his  sworn  duty 
to  destroy  it.  Its  destruction  became  a  necessity  of 
the  war  for  the  Union. 

As  the  war  dragged  on  and  disaster  followed 
disaster,  the  sense  of  that  necessity  steadily  grew 
upon  him.  Early  in  1862,  as  some  of  his  friends 
well  remember,  he  saw,  what  Seward  seemed  not  to 
see,  that  to  give  the  war  for  the  Union  an  anti- 
slavery  character  was  the  surest  means  to  prevent 
the  recognition  of  the  Southern  Confederacy  as  an 
independent  nation  by  European  powers;  that, 
slavery  being  abhorred  by  the  moral  sense  of  civilized 
mankind,  no  European  government  would  dare  to 
offer  so  gross  an  insult  to  the  public  opinion  of  its 
people  as  openly  to  favor  the  creation  of  a  state 
founded  upon  slavery  to  the  prejudice  of  an  existing 
nation  fighting  against  slavery.  He  saw  also  that 
slavery  untouched  was  to  the  rebellion  an  element  of 
power,  and  that  in  order  to  overcome  that  power  it 
was  necessary  to  turn  it  into  an  element  of  weakness. 
Still,  he  felt  no  assurance  that  the  plain  people  were 
prepared  for  so  radical  a  measure  as  the  emancipa- 
tion of  the  slaves  by  act  of  the  government,  and  he 
anxiously  considered  that,  if  they  were  not,  this  great 
step  might,  by  exciting  dissension  at  the  North, 
injure  the  cause  of  the  Union  in  one  quarter  more 
than  it  would  help  it  in  another.  He  heartily 
welcomed  an  effort  made  in  New  York  to  mould  and 
stimulate  public  sentiment  on  the  slavery  question 
by  public  meetings  boldly  pronouncing  for  emanci- 
pation. At  the  same  time  he  himself  cautiously 
advanced  with  a  recommendation,  expressed  in  a 


56  Abraham  Lincoln 

special  message  to  Congress,  that  the  United  States 
should  co-operate  with  any  State  which  might  adopt 
the  gradual  abolishment  of  slavery,  giving  such 
State  pecuniary  aid  to  compensate  the  former 
owners  of  emanicipated  slaves.  The  discussion 
was  started,  and  spread  rapidly.  Congress  adopted 
the  resolution  recommended,  and  soon  went  a  step 
farther  in  passing  a  bill  to  abolish  slavery  in  the  Dis- 
trict of  Columbia.  The  plain  people  began  to  look 
at  emancipation  on  a  larger  scale  as  a  thing  to  be 
considered  seriously  by  patriotic  citizens;  and  soon 
Lincoln  thought  that  the  time  was  ripe,  and  that 
the  edict  of  freedom  could  be  ventured  upon  without 
danger  of  serious  confusion  in  the  Union  ranks. 

The  failure  of  McClellan's  movement  upon  Rich- 
mond increased  immensely  the  prestige  of  the  enemy. 
The  need  of  some  great  act  to  stimulate  the  vital- 
ity of  the  Union  cause  seemed  to  grow  daily  more 
pressing.  On  July  21,  1862,  Lincoln  surprised  his 
cabinet  with  the  draught  of  a  proclamation  declaring 
free  the  slaves  in  all  the  States  that  should  be  still 
in  rebellion  against  the  United  States  on  the  ist  of 
January,  1863.  As  to  the  matter  itself  he  announced 
that  he  had  fully  made  up  his  mind;  he  invited  ad- 
vice only  concerning  the  form  and  the  time  of  publi- 
cation. Seward  suggested  that  the  proclamation, 
if  then  brought  out,  amidst  disaster  and  distress, 
would  sound  like  the  last  shriek  of  a  perishing  cause. 
Lincoln  accepted  the  suggestion,  and  the  proclama- 
tion was  postponed.  Another  defeat  followed,  the 
second  at  Bull  Run.  But  when,  after  that  battle, 
the  Confederate  army,  under  Lee,  crossed  the 


Carl  Schurz  57 

Potomac  and  invaded  Maryland,  Lincoln  vowed  in 
his  heart  that,  if  the  Union  army  were  now  blessed 
with  success,  the  decree  of  freedom  should  surely 
be  issued.  The  victory  of  Antietam  was  won  on 
September  17,  and  the  preliminary  Emancipation 
Proclamation  came  forth  on  the  226..  It  was  Lin- 
coln's own  resolution  and  act;  but  practically  it 
bound  the  nation,  and  permitted  no  step  backward. 
In  spite  of  its  limitations,  it  was  the  actual  abolition 
of  slavery.  Thus  he  wrote  his  name  upon  the  books 
of  history  with  the  title  dearest  to  his  heart, — the 
liberator  of  the  slave. 

It  is  true,  the  great  proclamation,  which  stamped 
the  war  as  one  for  "union  and  freedom,"  did  not 
at  once  mark  the  turning  of  the  tide  on  the  field 
of  military  operations.  There  were  more  disasters, 
— Fredericksburg  and  Chancellors ville.  But  with 
Gettysburg  and  Vicksburg  the  whole  aspect  of  the 
war  changed.  Step  by  step,  now  more  slowly,  then 
more  rapidly,  but  with  increasing  steadiness,  the 
flag  of  the  Union  advanced  from  field  to  field  toward 
the  final  consummation.  The  decree  of  emancipa- 
tion was  naturally  followed  by  the  enlistment  of 
emancipated  negroes  in  the  Union  armies.  This 
measure  had  a  /arther  reaching  effect  than  merely 
giving  the  Union  armies  an  increased  supply  of  men. 
The  laboring  force  of  the  rebellion  was  hopelessly 
disorganized.  The  war  became  like  a  problem  of 
arithmetic.  As  the  Union  armies  pushed  forward, 
the  area  from  which  the  Southern  Confederacy 
could  draw  recruits  and  supplies  constantly  grew 
smaller,  while  the  area  from  which  the  Union 


58  Abraham  Lincoln 

recruited  its  strength  constantly  grew  larger;  and 
everywhere,  even  within  the  Southern  lines,  the 
Union  had  its  allies.  The  fate  of  the  rebellion  was 
then  virtually  decided;  but  it  still  required  much 
bloody  work  to  convince  the  brave  warriors  who 
fought  for  it  that  they  were  really  beaten. 

Neither  did  the  Emancipation  Proclamation  forth- 
with command  universal  assent  among  the  people 
who  were  loyal  to  the  Union.  There  were  even  signs 
of  a  reaction  against  the  administration  in  the  fall 
elections  of  1862,  seemingly  justifying  the  opinion, 
entertained  by  many,  that  the  President  had  really 
anticipated  the  development  of  popular  feeling. 
The  cry  that  the  war  for  the  Union  had  been  turned 
into  an  "abolition  war"  was  raised  again  by  the 
opposition,  and  more  loudly  than  ever.  But  the 
good  sense  and  patriotic  instincts  of  the  plain  people 
gradually  marshalled  themselves  on  Lincoln's  side, 
and  he  lost  no  opportunity  to  help  on  this  process  by 
personal  argument  and  admonition.  There  never 
has  been  a  President  in  such  constant  and  active  con- 
tact with  the  public  opinion  of  the  country,  as  there 
never  has  been  a  President  who,  while  at  the  head  of 
the  government,  remained  so  near  to  the  people. 
Beyond  the  circle  of  those  who  had  long  known  him 
the  feeling  steadily  grew  that  the  man  in  the  White 
House  was  "honest  Abe  Lincoln"  still,  and  that 
every  citizen  might  approach  him  with  complaint, 
expostulation,  or  advice,  without  danger  of  meeting  a 
rebuff  from  power-proud  authority,  or  humiliating 
condescension;  and  this  privilege  was  used  by  so 
many  and  with  such  unsparing  freedom  that  only 


Carl  Schurz  59 

superhuman  patience  could  have  endured  it  all. 
There  are  men  now  living  who  would  to-day  read 
with  amazement,  if  not  regret,  what  they  ventured 
to  say  or  write  to  him.  But  Lincoln  repelled  no 
one  whom  he  believed  to  speak  to  him  in  good  faith 
and  with  patriotic  purpose.  No  good  advice  would 
go  unheeded.  No  candid  criticism  would  offend  him. 
No  honest  opposition,  while  it  might  pain  him, 
would  produce  a  lasting  alienation  of  feeling  between 
him  and  the  opponent.  It  may  truly  be  said  that 
few  men  in  power  have  ever  been  exposed  to  more 
daring  attempts  to  direct  their  course,  to  severer 
censure  of  their  acts,  and  to  more  cruel  misrepre- 
sentation of  their  motives.  And  all  this  he  met 
with  that  good-natured  humor  peculiarly  his  own, 
and  with  untiring  effort  to  see  the  right  and  to  im- 
press it  upon  those  who  differed  from  him.  The  con- 
versations he  had  and  the  correspondence  he  carried 
on  upon  matters  of  public  interest,  not  only  with  men 
in  official  position,  but  with  private  citizens,  were 
almost  unceasing,  and  in  a  large  number  of  public 
letters,  written  ostensibly  to  meetings,  or  committees, 
or  persons  of  importance,  he  addressed  himself  di- 
rectly to  the  popular  mind.  Most  of  these  letters 
stand  among  the  finest  monuments  of  our  political 
literature.  Thus  he  presented  the  singular  spectacle 
of  a  President  who,  in  the  midst  of  a  great  civil  war, 
with  unprecedented  duties  weighing  upon  him,  was 
constantly  in  person  debating  the  great  features  of 
his  policy  with  the  people. 

While  in  this  manner  he  exercised  an  ever-in- 
creasing influence  upon  the  popular  understanding, 


60  Abraham  Lincoln 

his  sympathetic  nature  endeared  him  more  and  more 
to  the  popular  heart.  In  vain  did  journals  and 
speakers  of  the  opposition  represent  him  as  a  light- 
minded  trifler,  who  amused  himself  with  frivolous 
story-telling  and  coarse  jokes,  while  the  blood  of  the 
people  was  flowing  in  streams.  The  people  knew 
that  the  man  at  the  head  of  affairs,  on  whose  hag- 
gard face  the  twinkle  of  humor  so  frequently  changed 
into  an  expression  of  profoundest  sadness,  was  more 
than  any  other  deeply  distressed  by  the  suffering  he 
witnessed;  that  he  felt  the  pain  of  every  wound 
that  was  inflicted  on  the  battlefield,  and  the  anguish 
of  every  woman  or  child  who  had  lost  husband  or 
father;  that  whenever  he  could  he  was  eager  to 
alleviate  sorrow,  and  that  his  mercy  was  never  im- 
plored in  vain.  They  looked  to  him  as  one  who  was 
with  them  and  of  them  in  all  their  hopes  and  fears, 
their  joys  and  sorrows, — who  laughed  with  them 
and  wept  with  them ;  and  as  his  heart  was  theirs,  so 
their  hearts  turned  to  him.  His  popularity  was 
far  different  from  that  of  Washington,  who  was 
revered  with  awe,  or  that  of  Jackson,  the  uncon- 
querable hero,  for  whom  party  enthusiasm  never 
grew  weary  of  shouting.  To  Abraham  Lincoln  the 
people  became  bound  by  a  genuine  sentimental 
attachment.  It  was  not  a  matter  of  respect,  or 
confidence,  or  party  pride,  for  this  feeling  spread  far 
beyond  the  boundary  lines  of  his  party ;  it  was  an 
affair  of  the  heart,  independent  of  mere  reasoning. 
When  the  soldiers  in  the  field  or  their  folks  at  home 
spoke  of  "Father  Abraham,"  there  was  no  cant  in 
it.  They  felt  that  their  President  was  really  caring 


Carl  Schurz  61 

for  them  as  a  father  would,  and  that  they  could  go 
to  him,  every  one  of  them,  as  they  would  go  to  a 
father,  and  talk  to  him  of  what  troubled  them,  sure 
to  find  a  willing  ear  and  tender  sympathy.  Thus, 
their  President,  and  his  cause,  and  his  endeavors,  and 
his  success  gradually  became  to  them  almost  matters 
of  family  concern.  And  this  popularity  carried  him 
triumphantly  through  the  Presidential  election  of 
1864,  in  spite  of  an  opposition  within  his  own  party 
which  at  first  seemed  very  formidable. 

Many  of  the  radical  antislavery  men  were  never 
quite  satisfied  with  Lincoln's  ways  of  meeting  the 
problems  of  the  time.  They  were  very  earnest  and 
mostly  very  able  men,  who  had  positive  ideas  as  to 
"how  this  rebellion  should  be  put  down."  They 
would  not  recognize  the  necessity  of  measuring  the 
steps  of  the  government  according  to  the  progress 
of  opinion  among  the  plain  people.  They  criticised 
Lincoln's  cautious  management  as  irresolute,  halt- 
ing, lacking  in  definite  purpose  and  in  energy;  he 
should  not  have  delayed  emancipation  so  long;  he 
should  not  have  confided  important  commands  to 
men  of  doubtful  views  as  to  slavery ;  he  should  have 
authorized  military  commanders  to  set  the  slaves 
free  as  they  went  on ;  he  dealt  too  leniently  with  un- 
successful generals;  he  should  have  put  down  all 
factious  opposition  with  a  strong  hand  instead  of 
trying  to  pacify  it ;  he  should  have  given  the  people 
accomplished  facts  instead  of  arguing  with  them, 
and  so  on.  It  is  true,  these  criticisms  were  not 
always  entirely  unfounded.  Lincoln's  policy  had, 
with  the  virtues  of  democratic  government,  some  of 


62  Abraham  Lincoln 

its  weaknesses,  which  in  the  presence  of  pressing 
exigencies  were  apt  to  deprive  governmental  action 
of  the  necessary  vigor;  and  his  kindness  of  heart, 
his  disposition  always  to  respect  the  feelings  of 
others,  frequently  made  him  recoil  from  anything 
like  severity,  even  when  severity  was  urgently  called 
for.  But  many  of  his  radical  critics  have  since  then 
revised  their  judgment  sufficiently  to  admit  that 
Lincoln's  policy  was,  on  the  whole,  the  wisest  and 
safest;  that  a  policy  of  heroic  methods,  while  it  has 
sometimes  accomplished  great  results,  could  in  a 
democracy  like  ours  be  maintained  only  by  constant 
success;  that  it  would  have  quickly  broken  down 
under  the  weight  of  disaster ;  that  it  might  have  been 
successful  from  the  start,  had  the  Union,  at  the 
beginning  of  the  conflict,  had  its  Grants  and  Sher- 
mans and  Sheridans,  its  Farraguts  and  Porters, 
fully  matured  at  the  head  of  its  forces;  but  that, 
as  the  great  commanders  had  to  be  evolved  slowly 
from  the  developments  of  the  war,  constant  suc- 
cess could  not  be  counted  upon,  and  it  was  best  to 
follow  a  policy  which  was  in  friendly  contact  with  the 
popular  force,  and  therefore  more  fit  to  stand  trial 
of  misfortune  on  the  battlefield.  But  at  that  period 
they  thought  differently,  and  their  dissatisfaction  with 
Lincoln's  doings  was  greatly  increased  by  the  steps 
he  took  toward  the  reconstruction  of  rebel  States 
then  partially  in  possession  of  the  Union  forces. 

In  December,  1863,  Lincoln  issued  an  amnesty 
proclamation,  offering  pardon  to  all  implicated  in  the 
rebellion,  with  certain  specified  exceptions,  on  con- 
dition of  their  taking  and  maintaining  an  oath  to 


Carl  Schurz  63 

support  the  Constitution  and  obey  the  laws  of  the 
United  States  and  the  proclamations  of  the  Presi- 
dent with  regard  to  slaves ;  and  also  promising  that 
when,  in  any  of  the  rebel  States,  a  number  of  citi- 
zens equal  to  one  tenth  of  the  voters  in  1860  should 
re-establish  a  state  government  in  conformity  with 
the  oath  above  mentioned,  such  should  be  recog- 
nized by  the  Executive  as  the  true  government  of  the 
State.  The  proclamation  seemed  at  first  to  be  re- 
ceived with  general  favor.  But  soon  another  scheme 
of  reconstruction,  much  more  stringent  in  its  pro- 
visions, was  put  forward  in  the  House  of  Represent- 
atives by  Henry  Winter  Davis.  Benjamin  Wade 
championed  it  in  the  Senate.  It  passed  in  the  clos- 
ing moments  of  the  session  in  July,  1864,  and  Lin- 
coln, instead  of  making  it  a  law  by  his  signature, 
embodied  the  text  of  it  in  a  proclamation  as  a  plan  of 
reconstruction  worthy  of  being  earnestly  considered. 
The  differences  of  opinion  concerning  this  subject 
had  only  intensified  the  feeling  against  Lincoln  which 
had  long  been  nursed  among  the  radicals,  and  some 
of  them  openly  declared  their  purpose  of  resisting 
his  re-election  to  the  Presidency.  Similar  sentiments 
were  manifested  by  the  advanced  antislavery  men 
of  Missouri,  who,  in  their  hot  faction-fight  with  the 
"conservatives"  of  that  State,  had  not  received 
from  Lincoln  the  active  support  they  demanded. 
Still  another  class  of  Union  men,  mainly  in  the  East, 
gravely  shook  their  heads  when  considering  the  ques- 
tion whether  Lincoln  should  be  re-elected.  They 
were  those  who  cherished  in  their  minds  an  ideal  of 
statesmanship  and  of  personal  bearing  in  high  office 


64  Abraham  Lincoln 

with  which,  in  their  opinion,  Lincoln's  individuality 
was  much  out  of  accord.  They  were  shocked  when 
they  heard  him  cap  an  argument  upon  grave  affairs 
of  state  with  a  story  about  ' '  a  man  out  in  Sanga- 
mon  County, ' ' — a  story,  to  be  sure,  strikingly 
clinching  his  point,  but  sadly  lacking  in  dignity. 
They  could  not  understand  the  man  who  was  capa- 
ble, in  opening  a  cabinet  meeting,  of  reading  to 
his  secretaries  a  funny  chapter  from  a  recent  book 
of  Artemus  Ward,  with  which  in  an  unoccupied 
moment  he  had  relieved  his  care-burdened  mind, 
and  who  then  solemnly  informed  the  executive 
council  that  he  had  vowed  in  his  heart  to  issue  a 
proclamation  emancipating  the  slaves  as  soon  as 
God  blessed  the  Union  arms  with  another  victory. 
They  were  alarmed  at  the  weakness  of  a  President 
who  would  indeed  resist  the  urgent  remonstrances 
of  statesmen  against  his  policy,  but  could  not  resist 
the  prayer  of  an  old  woman  for  the  pardon  of  a  sol- 
dier who  was  sentenced  to  be  shot  for  desertion. 
Such  men,  mostly  sincere  and  ardent  patriots,  not 
only  wished,  but  earnestly  set  to  work,  to  prevent 
Lincoln's  renomination.  Not  a  few  of  them  actually 
believed,  in  1863,  that,  if  the  national  convention 
of  the  Union  party  were  held  then,  Lincoln  would 
not  be  supported  by  the  delegation  of  a  single 
State.  But  when  the  convention  met  at  Baltimore, 
in  June,  1864,  the  voice  of  the  people  was  heard. 
On  the  first  ballot  Lincoln  received  the  votes  of  the 
delegations  from  all  the  States  except  Missouri;  and 
even  the  Missourians  turned  over  their  votes  to 
him  before  the  result  of  the  ballot  was  declared. 


Carl  Schurz  65 

But  even  after  his  renomination  the  opposition 
to  Lincoln  within  the  ranks  of  the  Union  party  did 
not  subside.  A  convention,  called  by  the  dissatis- 
fied radicals  in  Missouri,  and  favored  by  men  of  a 
similar  way  of  thinking  in  other  States,  had  been 
held  already  in  May,  and  had  nominated  as  its  candi- 
date for  the  Presidency  General  Fremont.  He, 
indeed,  did  not  attract  a  strong  following,  but  oppo- 
sition movements  from  different  quarters  appeared 
more  formidable.  Henry  Winter  Davis  and  Ben- 
jamin Wade  assailed  Lincoln  in  a  flaming  mani- 
festo. Other  Union  men,  of  undoubted  patriotism 
and  high  standing,  persuaded  themselves,  and 
sought  to  persuade  the  people,  that  Lincoln's  re- 
nomination  was  ill  advised  and  dangerous  to  the 
Union  cause.  As  the  Democrats  had  put  off  their 
convention  until  the  2gth  of  August,  the  Union 
party  had,  during  the  larger  part  of  the  summer, 
no  opposing  candidate  and  platform  to  attack, 
and  the  political  campaign  languished.  Neither 
were  the  tidings  from  the  theatre  of  war  of  a  cheer- 
ing character.  The  terrible  losses  suffered  by 
Grant's  army  in  the  battles  of  the  Wilderness 
spread  general  gloom.  Sherman  seemed  for  a  while 
to  be  in  a  precarious  position  before  Atlanta.  The 
opposition  to  Lincoln  within  the  Union  party  grew 
louder  in  its  complaints  and  discouraging  predic- 
tions. Earnest  demands  were  heard  that  his  candi- 
dacy should  be  withdrawn.  Lincoln  himself,  not 
knowing  how  strongly  the  masses  were  attached  to 
him,  was  haunted  by  dark  forebodings  of  defeat. 
Then  the  scene  suddenly  changed  as  if  by  magic. 


VOL.  i.— 5. 


66  Abraham  Lincoln 

The  Democrats,  in  their  national  convention,  de- 
clared the  war  a  failure,  demanded,  substantially, 
peace  at  any  price,  and  nominated  on  such  a  plat- 
form General  McClellan  as  their  candidate.  Their 
convention  had  hardly  adjourned  when  the  capture 
of  Atlanta  gave  a  new  aspect  to  the  military  situa- 
tion. It  was  like  a  sun-ray  bursting  through  a 
dark  cloud.  The  rank  and  file  of  the  Union  party 
rose  with  rapidly  growing  enthusiasm.  The  song 
"  We  are  coming,  Father  Abraham,  three  hundred 
thousand  strong,"  resounded  all  over  the  land.  Long 
before  the  decisive  day  arrived,  the  result  was  be- 
yond doubt,  and  Lincoln  was  re-elected  President 
by  overwhelming  majorities.  The  election  over 
even  his  severest  critics  found  themselves  forced  to 
admit  that  Lincoln  was  the  only  possible  candidate 
for  the  Union  party  in  1864,  and  that  neither  politi- 
cal combinations  nor  campaign  speeches,  nor  even 
victories  in  the  field,  were  needed  to  insure  his  suc- 
cess. The  plain  people  had  all  the  while  been  satis- 
fied with  Abraham  Lincoln:  they  confided  in  him; 
they  loved  him;  they  felt  themselves  near  to  him; 
they  saw  personified  in  him  the  cause  of  Union  and 
freedom ;  and  they  went  to  the  ballot-box  for  him  in 
their  strength. 

The  hour  of  triumph  called  out  the  characteristic 
impulses  of  his  nature.  The  opposition  within  the 
Union  party  had  stung  him  to  the  quick.  Now  he 
had  his  opponents  before  him,  baffled  and  humili- 
ated. Not  a  moment  did  he  lose  to  stretch  out  the 
hand  of  friendship  to  all.  "Now  that  the  election  is 
over,"  he  said,  in  response  to  a  serenade,  "may  not 


Carl  Schurz  67 

all,  having  a  common  interest,  reunite  in  a  common 
effort  to  save  our  common  country?  For  my  own 
part,  I  have  striven,  and  will  strive,  to  place  no 
obstacle  in  the  way.  So  long  as  I  have  been  here 
I  have  not  willingly  planted  a  thorn  in  any  man's 
bosom.  While  I  am  deeply  sensible  to  the  high 
compliment  of  a  re-election,  it  adds  nothing  to  my 
satisfaction  that  any  other  man  may  be  pained  or 
disappointed  by  the  result.  May  I  ask  those  who 
were  with  me  to  join  with  me  in  the  same  spirit 
toward  those  who  were  against  me?"  This  was 
Abraham  Lincoln's  character  as  tested  in  the  fur- 
nace of  prosperity. 

The  war  was  virtually  decided,  but  not  yet  ended. 
Sherman  was  irresistibly  carrying  the  Union  flag 
through  the  South.  Grant  had  his  iron  hand  upon 
the  ramparts  of  Richmond.  The  days  of  the  Con- 
federacy were  evidently  numbered.  Only  the  last 
blow  remained  to  be  struck.  Then  Lincoln's  second 
inauguration  came,  and  with  it  his  second  inaugural 
address.  Lincoln's  famous  "Gettysburg  speech'1 
has  been  much  and  justly  admired.  But  far 
greater,  as  well  as  far  more  characteristic,  was 
that  inaugural  in  which  he  poured  out  the  whole 
devotion  and  tenderness  of  his  great  soul.  It  had 
all  the  solemnity  of  a  father's  last  admonition  and 
blessing  to  his  children  before  he  lay  down  to  die. 
These  were  its  closing  words:  "Fondly  do  we  hope, 
fervently  do  we  pray,  that  this  mighty  scourge  of  war 
may  speedily  pass  away.  Yet  if  God  wills  that  it 
continue  until  all  the  wealth  piled  up  by  the  bond- 
man's two  hundred  and  fifty  years  of  unrequited  toil 


68  Abraham  Lincoln 

shall  be  sunk,  and  until  every  drop  of  blood  drawn 
with  the  lash  shall  be  paid  by  another  drawn  with 
the  sword,  as  was  said  three  thousand  years  ago,  so 
still  it  must  be  said,  'The  judgments  of  the  Lord 
are  true  and  righteous  altogether.'  With  malice 
toward  none,  with  charity  for  all,  with  firmness  in 
the  right  as  God  gives  us  to  see  the  right,  let  us  strive 
to  finish  the  work  we  are  in ;  to  bind  up  the  nation's 
wounds;  to  care  for  him  who  shall  have  borne  the 
battle,  and  for  his  widow  and  his  orphan;  to  do  all 
which  may  achieve  and  cherish  a  just  and  lasting 
peace  among  ourselves  and  with  all  nations." 

This  was  like  a  sacred  poem.  No  American 
President  had  ever  spoken  words  like  these  to  the 
American  people.  America  never  had  a  President 
who  found  such  words  in  the  depth  of  his  heart. 

Now  followed  the  closing  scenes  of  the  war.  The 
Southern  armies  fought  bravely  to  the  last,  but  all  in 
vain.  Richmond  fell.  Lincoln  himself  entered  the 
city  on  foot,  accompanied  only  by  a  few  officers  and 
a  squad  of  sailors  who  had  rowed  him  ashore  from  the 
flotilla  in  the  James  River,  a  negro  picked  up  on  the 
way  serving  as  a  guide.  Never  had  the  world  seen 
a  more  modest  conqueror  and  a  more  characteristic 
triumphal  procession, — no  army  with  banners  and 
drums,  only  a  throng  of  those  who  had  been  slaves, 
hastily  run  together,  escorting  the  victorious  chief 
into  the  capital  of  the  vanquished  foe.  We  are  told 
that  they  pressed  around  him,  kissed  his  hands 
and  his  garments,  and  shouted  and  danced  for  joy, 
while  tears  ran  down  the  President's  care-furrowed 
cheeks. 


Carl  Schurz  69 

A  few  days  more  brought  the  surrender  of  Lee's 
army,  and  peace  was  assured.  The  people  of  the 
North  were  wild  with  joy.  Everywhere  festive  guns 
were  booming,  bells  pealing,  the  churches  ringing 
with  thanksgivings,  and  jubilant  multitudes  throng- 
ing the  thoroughfares,  when  suddenly  the  news 
flashed  over  the  land  that  Abraham  Lincoln  had  been 
murdered.  The  people  were  stunned  by  the  blow. 
Then  a  wail  of  sorrow  went  up  such  as  America  had 
never  heard  before.  Thousands  of  Northern  house- 
holds grieved  as  if  they  had  lost  their  dearest  mem- 
ber. Many  a  Southern  man  cried  out  in  his  heart 
that  his  people  had  been  robbed  of  their  best  friend 
in  their  humiliation  and  distress,  when  Abraham 
Lincoln  was  struck  down.  It  was  as  if  the  tender 
affection  which  his  countrymen  bore  him  had  in- 
spired all  nations  with  a  common  sentiment.  All 
civilized  mankind  stood  mourning  around  the  coffin 
of  the  dead  President.  Many  of  those,  here  and 
abroad,  who  not  long  before  had  ridiculed  and 
reviled  him  were  among  the  first  to  hasten  on  with 
their  flowers  of  eulogy,  and  in  that  universal  chorus 
of  lamentation  and  praise  there  was  not  a  voice  that 
did  not  tremble  with  genuine  emotion.  Never  since 
Washington's  death  had  there  been  such  unanimity 
of  judgment  as  to  a  man's  virtues  and  greatness; 
and  even  Washington's  death,  although  his  name 
was  held  in  greater  reverence,  did  not  touch  so 
sympathetic  a  chord  in  the  people's  hearts. 

Nor  can  it  be  said  that  this  was  owing  to  the  tragic 
character  of  Lincoln's  end.  It  is  true,  the  death  of 
this  gentlest  and  most  merciful  of  rulers  by  the  hand 


70  Abraham  Lincoln 

of  a  mad  fanatic  was  well  apt  to  exalt  him  beyond 
his  merits  in  the  estimation  of  those  who  loved  him, 
and  to  make  his  renown  the  object  of  peculiarly 
tender  solicitude.  But  it  is  also  true  that  the  verdict 
pronounced  upon  him  in  those  days  has  been  affected 
little  by  time,  and  that  historical  inquiry  has  served 
rather  to  increase  than  to  lessen  the  appreciation 
of  his  virtues,  his  abilities,  his  services.  Giving  the 
fullest  measure  of  credit  to  his  great  ministers, — to 
Seward  for  his  conduct  of  foreign  affairs,  to  Chase 
for  the  management  of  the  finances  under  terrible 
difficulties,  to  Stanton  for  the  performance  of  his 
tremendous  task  as  war  secretary, — and  readily 
acknowledging  that  without  the  skill  and  fortitude 
of  the  great  commanders,  and  the  heroism  of  the 
soldiers  and  sailors  under  them,  success  could  not 
have  been  achieved,  the  historian  still  finds  that 
Lincoln's  judgment  and  will  were  by  no  means 
governed  by  those  around  him;  that  the  most  im- 
portant steps  were  owing  to  his  initiative;  that  his 
was  the  deciding  and  directing  mind ;  and  that  it  was 
pre-eminently  he  whose  sagacity  and  whose  character 
enlisted  for  the  administration  in  its  struggles  the 
countenance,  the  sympathy,  and  the  support  of  the 
people.  It  is  found,  even,  that  his  judgment  on 
military  matters  was  astonishingly  acute,  and  that 
the  advice  and  instructions  he  gave  to  the  generals 
commanding  in  the  field  would  not  seldom  have  done 
honor  to  the  ablest  of  them.  History,  therefore, 
without  overlooking,  or  palliating,  or  excusing  any 
of  his  shortcomings  or  mistakes,  continues  to  place 
him  foremost  among  the  saviours  of  the  Union  and 


Carl  Schurz  71 

the  liberators  of  the  slave.  More  than  that,  it 
awards  to  him  the  merit  of  having  accomplished 
what  but  few  political  philosophers  would  have 
recognized  as  possible, — of  leading  the  republic 
through  four  years  of  furious  civil  conflict  without 
any  serious  detriment  to  its  free  institutions. 

He  was,  indeed,  while  President,  violently  de- 
nounced by  the  opposition  as  a  tyrant  and  a  usurper, 
for  having  gone  beyond  his  constitutional  powers  in 
authorizing  or  permitting  the  temporary  suppression 
of  newspapers,  and  in  wantonly  suspending  the  writ 
of  habeas  corpus  and  resorting  to  arbitrary  arrests. 
Nobody  should  be  blamed  who,  when  such  things 
are  done,  in  good  faith  and  from  patriotic  motives 
protests  against  them.  In  a  republic,  arbitrary 
stretches  of  power,  even  when  demanded  by  neces- 
sity, should  never  be  permitted  to  pass  without  a 
protest  on  the  one  hand,  and  without  an  apology  on 
the  other.  It  is  well  they  did  not  so  pass  during  our 
civil  war.  That  arbitrary  measures  were  resorted 
to  is  true.  That  they  were  resorted  to  most  spar- 
ingly, and  only  when  the  government  thought  them 
absolutely  required  by  the  safety  of  the  republic, 
will  now  hardly  be  denied.  But  certain  it  is  that 
the  history  of  the  world  does  not  furnish  a  single  ex- 
ample of  a  government  passing  through  so  tremen- 
dous a  crisis  as  our  civil  war  was  with  so  small  a  record 
of  arbitrary  acts,  and  so  little  interference  with  the 
ordinary  course  of  law  outside  the  field  of  military 
operations.  No  American  President  ever  wielded 
such  power  as  that  which  was  thrust  into  Lincoln's 
hands.  It  is  to  be  hoped  that  no  American  Presi- 


72  Abraham  Lincoln 

dent  ever  will  have  to  be  entrusted  with  such  power 
again.  But  no  man  was  ever  entrusted  with  it  to 
whom  its  seductions  were  less  dangerous  than  they 
proved  to  be  to  Abraham  Lincoln.  With  scrupu- 
lous care  he  endeavored,  even  under  the  most  trying 
circumstances,  to  remain  strictly  within  the  con- 
stitutional limitations  of  his  authority;  and  when- 
ever the  boundary  became  indistinct,  or  when  the 
dangers  of  the  situation  forced  him  to  cross  it,  he 
was  equally  careful  to  mark  his  acts  as  exceptional 
measures,  justifiable  only  by  the  imperative  neces- 
sities of  the  civil  war,  so  that  they  might  not  pass  into 
history  as  precedents  for  similar  acts  in  time  of  peace. 
It  is  an  unquestionable  fact  that  during  the  recon- 
struction period  which  followed  the  war,  more  things 
were  done  capable  of  serving  as  dangerous  pre- 
cedents than  during  the  war  itself.  Thus  it  may 
truly  be  said  of  him  not  only  that  under  his  guidance 
the  republic  was  saved  from  disruption  and  the 
country  was  purified  of  the  blot  of  slavery,  but  that, 
during  the  stormiest  and  most  perilous  crisis  in  our 
history,  he  so  conducted  the  government  and  so 
wielded  his  almost  dictatorial  power  as  to  leave 
essentially  intact  our  free  institutions  in  all  things 
that  concern  the  rights  and  liberties  of  the  citizens. 
He  understood  well  the  nature  of  the  problem.  In 
his  first  message  to  Congress  he  defined  it  in  admir- 
ably pointed  language:  "Must  a  government  be  of 
necessity  too  strong  for  the  liberties  of  its  own  people, 
or  too  weak  to  maintain  its  own  existence  ?  Is  there 
in  all  republics  this  inherent  weakness?"  This  ques- 
tion he  answered  in  the  name  of  the  great  American 


Carl  Schurz  73 

republic,  as  no  man  could  have  answered  it  better, 
with  a  triumphant  "No." 

It  has  been  said  that  Abraham  Lincoln  died  at  the 
right  moment  for  his  fame.  However  that  may  be, 
he  had,  at  the  time  of  his  death,  certainly  not  ex- 
hausted his  usefulness  to  his  country.  He  was  proba- 
bly the  only  man  who  could  have  guided  the  nation 
through  the  perplexities  of  the  reconstruction  period 
in  such  a  manner  as  to  prevent  in  the  work  of  peace 
the  revival  of  the  passions  of  the  war.  He  would  in- 
deed not  have  escaped  serious  controversy  as  to 
details  of  policy;  but  he  could  have  weathered  it 
far  better  than  any  other  statesman  of  his  time,  for 
his  prestige  with  the  active  politicians  had  been 
immensely  strengthened  by  his  triumphant  re-elec- 
tion; and,  what  is  more  important,  he  would  have 
been  supported  by  the  confidence  of  the  victorious 
Northern  people  that  he  would  do  all  to  secure  the 
safety  of  the  Union  and  the  rights  of  the  emancipated 
negro,  and  at  the  same  time  by  the  confidence  of 
the  defeated  Southern  people  that  nothing  would  be 
done  by  him  from  motives  of  vindictiveness,  or  of 
unreasoning  fanaticism,  or  of  a  selfish  party  spirit. 
"With  malice  toward  none,  with  charity  for  all," 
the  foremost  of  the  victors  would  have  personified 
in  himself  the  genius  of  reconciliation. 

He  might  have  rendered  the  country  a  great  service 
in  another  direction.  A  few  days  after  the  fall  of 
Richmond,  he  pointed  out  to  a  friend  the  crowd  of 
office-seekers  besieging  his  door.  "Look  at  that," 
said  he.  "Now  we  have  conquered  the  rebellion, 
but  here  you  see  something  that  may  become  more 


74  Abraham  Lincoln 

dangerous  to  this  republic  than  the  rebellion  itself." 
It  is  true,  Lincoln  as  President  did  not  profess  what 
we  now  call  civil  service  reform  principles.  He  used 
the  patronage  of  the  government  in  many  cases 
avowedly  to  reward  party  work,  in  many  others  to 
form  combinations  and  to  produce  political  effects 
advantageous  to  the  Union  cause,  and  in  still  others 
simply  to  put  the  right  man  into  the  right  place. 
But  in  his  endeavors  to  strengthen  the  Union  cause, 
and  in  his  search  for  able  and  useful  men  for  public 
duties,  he  frequently  went  beyond  the  limits  of  his 
party,  and  gradually  accustomed  himself  to  the 
thought  that,  while  party  service  had  its  value, 
considerations  of  the  public  interest  were,  as  to 
appointments  to  office,  of  far  greater  consequence. 
Moreover,  there  had  been  such  a  mingling  of  dif- 
ferent political  elements  in  support  of  the  Union 
during  the  civil  war  that  Lincoln,  standing  at  the  head 
of  that  temporarily  united  motley  mass,  hardly  felt 
himself,  in  the  narrow  sense  of  the  term,  a  party 
man.  And  as  he  became  strongly  impressed  with 
the  dangers  brought  upon  the  republic  by  the  use  of 
public  offices  as  party  spoils,  it  is  by  no  means  im- 
probable that,  had  he  survived  the  all-absorbing 
crisis  and  found  time  to  turn  to  other  objects,  one  of 
the  most  important  reforms  of  later  days  would  have 
been  pioneered  by  his  powerful  authority.  This  was 
not  to  be.  But  the  measure  of  his  achievements  was 
full  enough  for  immortality. 

To  the  younger  generation  Abraham  Lincoln  has 
already  become  a  half -mythical  figure,  which,  in  the 
haze  of  historic  distance,  grows  to  more  and  more 


Carl  Schurz  75 

heroic  proportions,  but  also  loses  in  distinctness  of 
outline  and  feature.  This  is  indeed  the  common  lot 
of  popular  heroes;  but  the  Lincoln  legend  will  be 
more  than  ordinarily  apt  to  become  fanciful,  as 
his  individuality,  assembling  seemingly  incongruous 
qualities  and  forces  in  a  character  at  the  same  time 
grand  and  most  lovable,  was  so  unique,  and  his 
career  so  abounding  in  startling  contrasts.  As  the 
state  of  society  in  which  Abraham  Lincoln  grew  up 
passes  away,  the  world  will  read  with  increasing 
wonder  of  the  man  who,  not  only  of  the  humblest 
origin,  but  remaining  the  simplest  and  most  un- 
pretending of  citizens,  was  raised  to  a  position  of 
power  unprecedented  in  our  history;  who  was  the 
gentlest  and  most  peace-loving  of  mortals,  unable  to 
see  any  creature  suffer  without  a  pang  in  his  own 
breast,  and  suddenly  found  himself  called  to  con- 
duct the  greatest  and  bloodiest  of  our  wars;  who 
wielded  the  power  of  government  when  stern  resolu- 
tion and  relentless  force  were  the  order  of  the  day 
and  then  won  and  ruled  the  popular  mind  and  heart 
by  the  tender  sympathies  of  his  nature;  who  was  a 
cautious  conservative  by  temperament  and  mental 
habit,  and  led  the  most  sudden  and  sweeping  social 
revolution  of  our  time;  who,  preserving  his  homely 
speech  and  rustic  manner  even  in  the  most  conspicu- 
ous position  of  that  period,  drew  upon  himself  the 
scoffs  of  polite  society,  and  then  thrilled  the  soul 
of  mankind  with  utterances  of  wonderful  beauty 
and  grandeur;  who,  in  his  heart  the  best  friend  of 
the  defeated  South,  was  murdered  because  a  crazy 
fanatic  took  him  for  its  most  cruel  enemy;  who, 


76  Abraham  Lincoln 

while  in  power,  was  beyond  measure  lampooned  and 
maligned  by  sectional  passion  and  an  excited  party 
spirit,  and  around  whose  bier  friend  and  foe  gathered 
to  praise  him — which  they  have  since  never  ceased 
to  do — as  one  of  the  greatest  of  Americans  and  the 
best  of  men. 


ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

BY  JOSEPH  H.  CHOATE 


77 


Copyright,  1901 
By  THOMAS  Y.  CROWELL  &  COMPANY 


This  Address  was  delivered  before  the  Edinburgh  Philo- 
sophical Institution,  November  15,  ipoo.  //  is  included  in 
this  set  with  the  courteous  permission  of  the  author  and  of 
Messrs.  Thomas  Y.  Crowell  <&•  Company. 


79 


ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

WHEN  you  asked  me  to  deliver  the  Inaugural 
Address  on  this  occasion,  I  recognized  that 
I  owed  this  compliment  to  the  fact  that  I  was  the 
official  representative  of  America,  and  in  selecting  a 
subject  I  ventured  to  think  that  I  might  interest  you 
for  an  hour  in  a  brief  study  in  popular  government, 
as  illustrated  by  the  life  of  the  most  American  of  all 
Americans.  I  therefore  offer  no  apology  for  asking 
your  attention  to  Abraham  Lincoln — to  his  unique 
character  and  the  part  he  bore  in  two  important 
achievements  of  modern  history:  the  preservation 
of  the  integrity  of  the  American  Union  and  the 
emancipation  of  the  colored  race. 

During  his  brief  term  of  power  he  was  probably 
the  object  of  more  abuse,  vilification,  and  ridicule 
than  any  other  man  in  the  world;  but  when  he  fell 
by  the  hand  of  an  assassin,  at  the  very  moment  of 
his  stupendous  victory,  all  the  nations  of  the  earth 
vied  with  one  another  in  paying  homage  to  his  char- 
acter, and  the  thirty-five  years  that  have  since 
elapsed  have  established  his  place  in  history  as  one 
of  the  great  benefactors  not  of  his  own  country  alone, 
but  of  the  human  race. 

One  of  many  noble  utterances  upon  the  occasion 
of  his  death  was  that  in  which  Punch  made  its 

VOL.  I. — 6. 

ll 


82  Abraham  Lincoln 

magnanimous  recantation  of  the  spirit  with  which  it 
had  pursued  him: 

"  Beside  this  corpse  that  bears  for  winding  sheet 

The  stars  and  stripes  he  lived  to  rear  anew, 
Between  the  mourners  at  his  head  and  feet, 
Say,  scurrile  jester,  is  there  room  for  you? 


"  Yes,  he  had  lived  to  shame  me  from  my  sneer, 

To  lame  my  pencil,  and  confute  my  pen — 
To  make  me  own  this  hind — of  princes  peer, 
This  rail-splitter — a  true  born  king  of  men." 

Fiction  can  furnish  no  match  for  the  romance  of  his 
life,  and  biography  will  be  searched  in  vain  for  such 
startling  vicissitudes  of  fortune,  so  great  power  and 
glory  won  out  of  such  humble  beginnings  and  ad- 
verse circumstances. 

Doubtless  you  are  all  familiar  with  the  salient 
points  of  his  extraordinary  career.  In  the  zenith  of 
his  fame  he  was  the  wise,  patient,  courageous,  suc- 
cessful ruler  of  men ;  exercising  more  power  than  any 
monarch  of  his  time,  not  for  himself,  but  for  the  good 
of  the  people  who  had  placed  it  in  his  hands;  com- 
mander-in-chief  of  a  vast  military  power,  which 
waged  with  ultimate  success  the  greatest  war  of 
the  century;  the  triumphant  champion  of  popular 
government,  the  deliverer  of  four  millions  of  his 
fellow-men  from  bondage;  honored  by  mankind  as 
Statesman,  President,  and  Liberator. 

Let  us  glance  now  at  the  first  half  of  the  brief  life 
of  which  this  was  the  glorious  and  happy  consum- 


Joseph  H.  Choate  83 

mation.  Nothing  could  be  more  squalid  and  mis- 
erable than  the  home  in  which  Abraham  Lincoln  was 
born — a  one-roomed  cabin  without  floor  or  window 
in  what  was  then  the  wilderness  of  Kentucky,  in  the 
heart  of  that  frontier  life  which  swiftly  moved  west- 
ward from  the  Alleghanies  to  the  Mississippi,  always 
in  advance  of  schools  and  churches,  of  books  and 
money,  of  railroads  and  newspapers,  of  all  things 
which  are  generally  regarded  as  the  comforts  and 
even  necessaries  of  life.  His  father,  ignorant,  needy, 
and  thriftless,  content  if  he  could  keep  soul  and 
body  together  for  himself  and  his  family,  was  ever 
seeking,  without  success,  to  better  his  unhappy 
condition  by  moving  on  from  one  such  scene  of 
dreary  desolation  to  another.  The  rude  society 
which  surrounded  them  was  not  much  better.  The 
struggle  for  existence  was  hard,  and  absorbed  all 
their  energies.  They  were  fighting  the  forest,  the 
wild  beast,  and  the  retreating  savage.  From  the 
time  when  he  could  barely  handle  tools  until  he 
attained  his  majority,  Lincoln's  life  was  that  of  a 
simple  farm  laborer,  poorly  clad,  housed,  and  fed,  at 
work  either  on  his  father's  wretched  farm  or  hired 
out  to  neighboring  farmers.  But  in  spite,  or  per- 
haps by  means,  of  this  rude  environment,  he  grew  to 
be  a  stalwart  giant,  reaching  six  feet  four  at  nineteen, 
and  fabulous  stories  are  told  of  his  feats  of  strength. 
With  the  growth  of  this  mighty  frame  began  that 
strange  education  which  in  his  ripening  years  was  to 
qualify  him  for  the  great  destiny  that  awaited  him, 
and  the  development  of  those  mental  faculties  and 
moral  endowments  which,  by  the  time  he  reached 


84  Abraham  Lincoln 

middle  life,  were  to  make  him  the  sagacious,  patient, 
and  triumphant  leader  of  a  great  nation  in  the  crisis 
of  its  fate.  His  whole  schooling,  obtained  during 
such  odd  times  as  could  be  spared  from  grinding 
labor,  did  not  amount  in  all  to  as  much  as  one  year, 
and  the  quality  of  the  teaching  was  of  the  lowest 
possible  grade,  including  only  the  elements  of  read- 
ing, writing,  and  ciphering.  But  out  of  these  simple 
elements,  when  rightly  used  by  the  right  man,  edu- 
cation is  achieved,  and  Lincoln  knew  how  to  use 
them.  As  so  often  happens,  he  seemed  to  take 
warning  from  his  father's  unfortunate  example. 
Untiring  industry,  an  insatiable  thirst  for  knowledge, 
and  an  ever-growing  desire  to  rise  above  his  sur- 
roundings, were  early  manifestations  of  his  character. 
Books  were  almost  unknown  in  that  community, 
but  the  Bible  was  in  every  house,  and  somehow  or 
other  Pilgrim's  Progress,  ALsop's  Fables,  a  History  of 
the  United  States,  and  a  Life  of  Washington  fell  into 
his  hands.  He  trudged  on  foot  many  miles  through 
the  wilderness  to  borrow  an  English  Grammar,  and 
is  said  to  have  devoured  greedily  the  contents  of  the 
Statutes  of  Indiana  that  fell  in  his  way.  These  few 
volumes  he  read  and  reread — and  his  power  of 
assimilation  was  great.  To  be  shut  in  with  a  few 
books  and  to  master  them  thoroughly  sometimes 
does  more  for  the  development  of  character  than  free- 
dom to  range  at  large,  in  a  cursory  and  indiscrimi- 
nate way,  through  wide  domains  of  literature.  This 
youth's  mind,  at  any  rate,  was  thoroughly  saturated 
with  Biblical  knowledge  and  Biblical  language, 
which,  in  after  life,  he  used  with  great  readiness  and 


Joseph  H.  Choate  85 

effect.  But  it  was  the  constant  use  of  the  little 
knowledge  which  he  had  that  developed  and  exer- 
cised his  mental  powers.  After  the  hard  day's  work 
was  done,  while  others  slept,  he  toiled  on,  always 
reading  or  writing.  From  an  early  age  he  did  his 
own  thinking  and  made  up  his  own  mind — invalu- 
able traits  in  the  future  President.  Paper  was  such 
a  scarce  commodity  that,  by  the  evening  firelight, 
he  would  write  and  cipher  on  the  back  of  a  wooden 
shovel,  and  then  shave  it  off  to  make  room  for  more. 
By  and  by,  as  he  approached  manhood,  he  began 
speaking  in  the  rude  gatherings  of  the  neighborhood, 
and  so  laid  the  foundation  of  that  art  of  persuad- 
ing his  fellow-men  which  was  one  rich  result  of  his 
education,  and  one  great  secret  of  his  subsequent 
success. 

Accustomed  as  we  are  in  these  days  of  steam  and 
telegraphs  to  have  every  intelligent  boy  survey  the 
whole  world  each  morning  before  breakfast,  and 
inform  himself  as  to  what  is  going  on  in  every  nation, 
it  is  hardly  possible  to  conceive  how  benighted  and 
isolated  was  the  condition  of  the  community  at 
Pigeon  Creek  in  Indiana,  of  which  the  family  of 
Lincoln's  father  formed  a  part,  or  how  eagerly  an 
ambitious  and  high-spirited  boy,  such  as  he,  must 
have  yearned  to  escape.  The  first  glimpse  that  he 
ever  got  of  any  world  beyond  the  narrow  confines  of 
his  home  was  in  1828,  at  the  age  of  nineteen,  when 
a  neighbor  employed  him  to  accompany  his  son 
down  the  river  to  New  Orleans  to  dispose  of  a  flat- 
boat  of  produce — a  commission  which  he  discharged 
with  great  success. 


86  Abraham  Lincoln 

Shortly  after  his  return  from  this  his  first  excur- 
sion into  the  outer  world,  his  father,  tired  of  failure  in 
Indiana,  packed  his  family  and  all  his  worldly  goods 
into  a  single  wagon  drawn  by  two  yoke  of  oxen,  and 
after  a  fourteen  days'  tramp  through  the  wilderness, 
pitched  his  camp  once  more,  in  Illinois.  Here 
Abraham,  having  come  of  age  and  being  now  his  own 
master,  rendered  the  last  service  of  his  minority  by 
ploughing  the  fifteen-acre  lot  and  splitting  from  the 
tall  walnut  trees  of  the  primeval  forest  enough  rails 
to  surround  the  little  clearing  with  a  fence.  Such 
was  the  meagre  outfit  of  this  coming  leader  of  men, 
at  the  age  when  the  future  British  Prime  Minister  or 
statesman  emerges  from  the  university  as  a  double 
first  or  senior  wrangler,  with  every  advantage  that 
high  training  and  broad  culture  and  association  with 
the  wisest  and  the  best  of  men  and  women  can  give, 
and  enters  upon  some  form  of  public  service  on  the 
road  to  usefulness  and  honor,  the  University  course 
being  only  the  first  stage  of  the  public  training.  So 
Lincoln,  at  twenty-one,  had  just  begun  his  prepara- 
tion for  the  public  life  to  which  he  soon  began  to 
aspire.  For  some  years  yet  he  must  continue  to 
earn  his  daily  bread  by  the  sweat  of  his  brow, 
having  absolutely  no  means,  no  home,  no  friend  to 
consult.  More  farm  work  as  a  hired  hand,  a  clerk- 
ship in  a  village  store,  the  running  of  a  mill,  another 
trip  to  New  Orleans  on  a  flatboat  of  his  own  con- 
triving, a  pilot's  berth  on  the  river — these  were  the 
means  by  which  he  subsisted  until,  in  the  summer  of 
1832,  when  he  was  twenty-three  years  of  age,  an 
event  occurred  which  gave  him  public  recognition. 


Joseph  H.  Choate  87 

The  Black  Hawk  war  broke  out,  and,  the  Gover- 
nor of  Illinois  calling  for  volunteers  to  repel  the  band 
of  savages  whose  leader  bore  that  name,  Lincoln 
enlisted  and  was  elected  captain  by  his  comrades, 
among  whom  he  had  already  established  his  supre- 
macy by  signal  feats  of  strength  and  more  than  one 
successful  single  combat.  During  the  brief  hostili- 
ties he  was  engaged  in  no  battle  and  won  no  military 
glory,  but  his  local  leadership  was  established.  The 
same  year  he  offered  himself  as  a  candidate  for  the 
Legislature  of  Illinois,  but  failed  at  the  polls.  Yet 
his  vast  popularity  with  those  who  knew  him  was 
manifest.  The  district  consisted  of  several  counties, 
but  the  unanimous  vote  of  the  people  of  his  own 
county  was  for  Lincoln.  Another  unsuccessful  at- 
tempt at  store-keeping  was  followed  by  better  luck 
at  surveying,  until  his  horse  and  instruments  were 
levied  upon  under  execution  for  the  debts  of  his 
business  adventure. 

I  have  been  thus  detailed  in  sketching  his  early 
years  because  upon  these  strange  foundations  the 
structure  of  his  great  fame  and  service  was  built. 
In  the  place  of  a  school  and  university  training 
fortune  substituted  these  trials,  hardships,  and 
struggles  as  a  preparation  for  the  great  work  which 
he  had  to  do.  It  turned  out  to  be  exactly  what  the 
emergency  required.  Ten  years  instead  at  the 
public  school  and  the  university  certainly  never 
could  have  fitted  this  man  for  the  unique  work  which 
was  to  be  thrown  upon  him.  Some  other  Moses 
would  have  had  to  lead  us  to  our  Jordan,  to  the  sight 
of  our  promised  land  of  liberty. 


88  Abraham  Lincoln 

At  the  age  of  twenty-five  he  became  a  member  of 
the  Legislature  of  Illinois,  and  so  continued  for  eight 
years,  and,  in  the  meantime,  qualified  himself  by 
reading  such  law  books  as  he  could  borrow  at  ran- 
dom— for  he  was  too  poor  to  buy  any — to  be  called 
to  the  Bar.  For  his  second  quarter  of  a  century — 
during  which  a  single  term  in  Congress  introduced 
him  into  the  arena  of  national  questions — he  gave 
himself  up  to  law  and  politics.  In  spite  of  his  soaring 
ambition,  his  two  years  in  Congress  gave  him  no 
premonition  of  the  great  destiny  that  awaited  him, 
and  at  its  close,  in  1849,  we  find  him  an  unsuccessful 
applicant  to  the  President  for  appointment  as  Com- 
missioner of  the  General  Land  Office — a  purely  ad- 
ministrative bureau;  a  fortunate  escape  for  himself 
and  for  his  country.  Year  by  year  his  knowledge 
and  power,  his  experience  and  reputation  ex- 
tended, and  his  mental  faculties  seemed  to  grow  by 
what  they  fed  on.  His  power  of  persuasion,  which 
had  always  been  marked,  was  developed  to  an  extra- 
ordinary degree,  now  that  he  became  engaged  in 
congenial  questions  and  subjects.  Little  by  little  he 
rose  to  prominence  at  the  Bar,  and  became  the  most 
effective  public  speaker  in  the  West.  Not  that  he 
possessed  any  of  the  graces  of  the  orator;  but  his 
logic  was  invincible,  and  his  clearness  and  force  of 
statement  impressed  upon  his  hearers  the  convic- 
tions of  his  honest  mind,  while  his  broad  sympathies 
and  sparkling  and  genial  humor  made  him  a  uni- 
versal favorite  as  far  and  as  fast  as  his  acquaintance 
extended. 

These  twenty  years  that  elapsed  from  the  time  of 


Joseph  H.  Choate  89 

his  establishment  as  a  lawyer  and  legislator  in  Spring- 
field, the  new  capital  of  Illinois,  furnished  a  fitting 
theatre  for  the  development  and  display  of  his  great 
faculties,  and,  with  his  new  and  enlarged  oppor- 
tunities, he  obviously  grew  in  mental  stature  in  this 
second  period  of  his  career,  as  if  to  compensate  for 
the  absolute  lack  of  advantages  under  which  he  had 
suffered  in  youth.  As  his  powers  enlarged,  his  repu- 
tation extended,  for  he  was  always  before  the  people, 
felt  a  warm  sympathy  with  all  that  concerned  them, 
took  a  zealous  part  in  the  discussion  of  every  public 
question,  and  made  his  personal  influence  ever  more 
widely  and  deeply  felt. 

My  brethren  of  the  legal  profession  will  naturally 
ask  me,  how  could  this  rough  backwoodsman,  whose 
youth  had  been  spent  in  the  forest  or  on  the  farm 
and  the  flatboat,  without  culture  or  training,  edu- 
cation or  study,  by  the  random  reading,  on  the  wing, 
of  a  few  miscellaneous  law  books,  become  a  learned 
and  accomplished  lawyer?  Well,  he  never  did.  He 
never  would  have  earned  his  salt  as  a  Writer  for  the 
Signet,  nor  have  won  a  place  as  advocate  in  the 
Court  of  Session,  where  the  technique  of  the  profes- 
sion has  reached  its  highest  prefection,  and  centuries 
of  learning  and  precedent  are  involved  in  the  equip- 
ment of  a  lawyer.  Dr.  Holmes,  when  asked  by  an 
anxious  young  mother,  ' '  When  should  the  education 
of  a  child  begin?"  replied,  "Madam,  at  least  two 
centuries  before  it  is  born!"  and  so  I  am  sure  it  is 
with  the  Scots  lawyer. 

But  not  so  in  Illinois  in  1840.  Between  1830  and 
1880  its  population  increased  twenty-fold,  and  when 


90  Abraham  Lincoln 

Lincoln  began  practising  law  in  Springfield  in  1837, 
life  in  Illinois  was  very  crude  and  simple,  and  so  were 
the  courts  and  the  administration  of  justice.  Books 
and  libraries  were  scarce.  But  the  people  loved 
justice,  upheld  the  law,  and  followed  the  courts, 
and  soon  found  their  favorites  among  the  advocates. 
The  fundamental  principles  of  the  common  law,  as 
set  forth  by  Blackstone  and  Chitty,  were  not  so 
difficult  to  acquire ;  and  brains,  common  sense,  force 
of  character,  tenacity  of  purpose,  ready  wit  and 
power  of  speech  did  the  rest,  and  supplied  all  the 
deficiencies  of  learning. 

The  lawsuits  of  those  days  were  extremely  simple, 
and  the  principles  of  natural  justice  were  mainly 
relied  on  to  dispose  of  them  at  the  Bar  and  on  the 
Bench,  without  resort  to  technical  learning.  Rail- 
roads, corporations  absorbing  the  chief  business  of 
the  community,  combined  and  inherited  wealth, 
with  all  the  subtle  and  intricate  questions  they  breed, 
had  not  yet  come  in — and  so  the  professional  agents 
and  the  equipment  which  they  require  were  not 
needed.  But  there  were  many  highly  educated 
and  powerful  men  at  the  Bar  of  Illinois,  even  in  those 
early  days,  whom  the  spirit  of  enterprise  had  car- 
ried there  in  search  of  fame  and  fortune.  It  was  by 
constant  contact  and  conflict  with  these  that  Lincoln 
acquired  professional  strength  and  skill.  Every 
community  and  every  age  creates  its  own  Bar, 
entirely  adequate  for  its  present  uses  and  necessities. 
So  in  Illinois,  as  the  population  and  wealth  of  the 
State  kept  on  doubling  and  quadrupling,  its  Bar 
presented  a  growing  abundance  of  learning  and 


Joseph  H.  Choate  91 

science  and  technical  skill.  The  early  practitioners 
grew  with  its  growth  and  mastered  the  requisite 
knowledge.  Chicago  soon  grew  to  be  one  of  the 
largest  and  richest  and  certainly  the  most  intensely 
active  city  on  the  continent,  and  if  any  of  my  pro- 
fessional friends  here  had  gone  there  in  Lincoln's 
later  years,  to  try  or  argue  a  cause,  or  transact  other 
business,  with  any  idea  that  Edinburgh  or  Lon- 
don had  a  monopoly  of  legal  learning,  science,  or 
subtlety,  they  would  certainly  have  found  their 
mistake. 

In  those  early  days  in  the  West,  every  lawyer, 
especially  every  court  lawyer,  was  necessarily  a 
politician,  constantly  engaged  in  the  public  discus- 
sion of  the  many  questions  evolved  from  the  rapid 
development  of  town,  county,  State,  and  Federal 
affairs.  Then  and  there,  in  this  regard,  public 
discussion  supplied  the  place  which  the  universal 
activity  of  the  press  has  since  monopolized,  and  the 
public  speaker  who,  by  clearness,  force,  earnestness, 
and  wit,  could  make  himself  felt  on  the  questions 
of  the  day  would  rapidly  come  to  the  front.  In  the 
absence  of  that  immense  variety  of  popular  enter- 
tainments which  now  feed  the  public  taste  and 
appetite,  the  people  found  their  chief  amusement 
in  frequenting  the  courts  and  public  and  political 
assemblies.  In  either  place,  he  who  impressed, 
entertained,  and  amused  them  most  was  the  hero  of 
the  hour.  They  did  not  discriminate  very  carefully 
between  the  eloquence  of  the  forum  and  the  elo- 
quence of  the  hustings.  Human  nature  ruled  in 
both  alike,  and  he  who  was  the  most  effective 


92  Abraham  Lincoln 

speaker  in  a  political  harangue  was  often  retained 
as  most  likely  to  win  in  a  cause  to  be  tried  or  argued. 
And  I  have  no  doubt  in  this  way  many  retainers 
came  to  Lincoln.  Fees,  money  in  any  form,  had  no 
charms  for  him — in  his  eager  pursuit  of  fame  he 
could  not  afford  to  make  money.  He  was  ambi- 
tious to  distinguish  himself  by  some  great  service  to 
mankind,  and  this  ambition  for  fame  and  real  public 
service  left  no  room  for  avarice  in  his  composition. 
However  much  he  earned,  he  seems  to  have  ended 
every  year  hardly  richer  than  he  began  it,  and  yet, 
as  the  years  passed,  fees  came  to  him  freely.  One 
of  ;£i,ooo  is  recorded — a  very  large  professional  fee 
at  that  time,  even  in  any  part  of  America,  the  para- 
dise of  lawyers.  I  lay  great  stress  on  Lincoln's 
career  as  a  lawyer — much  more  than  his  biographers 
do — because  in  America  a  state  of  things  exists 
wholly  different  from  that  which  prevails  in  Great 
Britain.  The  profession  of  the  law  always  has  been 
— and  is  to  this  day — the  principal  avenue  to  public 
life;  and  I  am  sure  that  his  training  and  experience 
in  the  courts  had  much  to  do  with  the  development 
of  those  forces  of  intellect  and  character  which  he 
soon  displayed  on  a  broader  arena. 

It  was  in  political  controversy,  of  course,  that  he 
acquired  his  wide  reputation,  and  made  his  deep  and 
lasting  impression  upon  the  people  of  what  had  now 
become  the  powerful  State  of  Illinois,  and  upon  the 
people  of  the  Great  West,  to  whom  the  political 
power  and  control  of  the  United  States  were  already 
surely  and  swiftly  passing  from  the  older  Eastern 
States.  It  was  this  reputation  and  this  impression, 


Joseph  H.  Choate  93 

and  the  familiar  knowledge  of  his  character  which 
had  come  to  them  from  his  local  leadership,  that 
happily  inspired  the  people  of  the  West  to  present 
him  as  their  candidate,  and  to  press  him  upon  the 
Republican  convention  of  1860  as  the  fit  and  neces- 
sary leader  in  the  struggle  for  life  which  was  before 
the  nation. 

That  struggle,  as  you  all  know,  arose  out  of  the 
terrible  question  of  slavery — and  I  must  trust  to 
your  general  knowledge  of  the  history  of  that  ques- 
tion to  make  intelligible  the  attitude  and  leadership 
of  Lincoln  as  the  champion  of  the  hosts  of  freedom 
in  the  final  contest.  Negro  slavery  had  been  firmly 
established  in  the  Southern  States  from  an  early 
period  of  their  history.  In  1619,  the  year  before 
the  Mayflower  landed  our  Pilgrim  Fathers  upon 
Plymouth  Rock,  a  Dutch  ship  had  discharged  a 
cargo  of  African  slaves  at  Jamestown  in  Virginia. 
All  through  the  colonial  period  their  importation 
had  continued.  A  few  had  found  their  way  into  the 
Northern  States,  but  none  of  them  in  sufficient  num- 
bers to  constitute  danger  or  to  afford  a  basis  for 
political  power.  At  the  time  of  the  adoption  of  the 
Federal  Constitution,  there  is  no  doubt  that  the  prin- 
cipal members  of  the  convention  not  only  condemned 
slavery  as  a  moral,  social,  and  political  evil,  but  be- 
lieved that  by  the  suppression  of  the  slave  trade  it 
was  in  the  course  of  gradual  extinction  in  the  South, 
as  it  certainly  was  in  the  North.  Washington,  in  his 
will,  provided  for  the  emancipation  of  his  own  slaves, 
and  said  to  Jefferson  that  it  "was  among  his  first 
wishes  to  see  some  plan  adopted  by  which  slavery 


94  Abraham  Lincoln 

in  his  country  might  be  abolished."  Jefferson  said, 
referring  to  the  institution:  "I  tremble  for  my 
country  when  I  think  that  God  is  just;  that  His 
justice  cannot  sleep  forever," — and  Franklin,  Adams, 
Hamilton,  and  Patrick  Henry  were  all  utterly  op- 
posed to  it.  But  it  was  made  the  subject  of  a  fatal 
compromise  in  the  Federal  Constitution,  whereby 
its  existence  was  recognized  in  the  States  as  a  basis 
of  representation,  the  prohibition  of  the  importa- 
tion of  slaves  was  postponed  for  twenty  years,  and 
the  return  of  fugitive  slaves  provided  for.  But  no 
imminent  danger  was  apprehended  from  it  till,  by  the 
invention  of  the  cotton  gin  in  1792,  cotton  culture  by 
negro  labor  became  at  once  and  forever  the  leading 
industry  of  the  South,  and  gave  a  new  impetus  to 
the  importation  of  slaves,  so  that  in  1808,  when  the 
constitutional  prohibition  took  effect,  their  numbers 
had  vastly  increased.  From  that  time  forward 
slavery  became  the  basis  of  a  great  political  power, 
and  the  Southern  States,  under  all  circumstances  and 
at  every  opportunity,  carried  on  a  brave  and  un- 
relenting struggle  for  its  maintenance  and  extension. 
The  conscience  of  the  North  was  slow  to  rise 
against  it,  though  bitter  controversies  from  time  to 
time  took  place.  The  Southern  leaders  threatened 
disunion  if  their  demands  were  not  complied  with. 
To  save  the  Union,  compromise  after  compromise 
was  made,  but  each  one  in  the  end  was  broken. 
The  Missouri  Compromise,  made  in  1820  upon  the 
occasion  of  the  admission  of  Missouri  into  the  Union 
as  a  slave  State, — whereby,  in  consideration  of  such 
admission,  slavery  was  forever  excluded  from  the 


Joseph  H.  Choate  95 

Northwest  Territory, — was  ruthlessly  repealed  in 
1854,  by  a  Congress  elected  in  the  interests  of  the 
slave  power,  the  intent  being  to  force  slavery  into 
that  vast  territory  which  had  so  long  been  dedicated 
to  freedom.  This  challenge  at  last  aroused  the 
slumbering  conscience  and  passion  of  the  North,  and 
led  to  the  formation  of  the  Republican  party  for  the 
avowed  purpose  of  preventing,  by  constitutional 
methods,  the  further  extension  of  slavery. 

In  its  first  campaign,  in  1856,  though  it  failed  to 
elect  its  candidates,  it  received  a  surprising  vote  and 
carried  many  of  the  States.  No  one  could  any  longer 
doubt  that  the  North  had  made  up  its  mind  that  no 
threats  of  disunion  should  deter  it  from  pressing  its 
cherished  purpose  and  performing  its  long  neglected 
duty.  From  the  outset,  Lincoln  was  one  of  the  most 
active  and  effective  leaders  and  speakers  of  the  new 
party,  and  the  great  debates  between  Lincoln  and 
Douglas  in  1858,  as  the  respective  champions  of  the 
restriction  and  extension  of  slavery,  attracted  the 
attention  of  the  whole  country.  Lincoln's  powerful 
arguments  carried  conviction  everywhere.  His  moral 
nature  was  thoroughly  aroused — his  conscience  was 
stirred  to  the  quick.  Unless  slavery  was  wrong, 
nothing  was  wrong.  Was  each  man,  of  whatever 
color,  entitled  to  the  fruits  of  his  own  labor,  or  could 
one  man  live  in  idle  luxury  by  the  sweat  of  another's 
brow,  whose  skin  was  darker?  He  was  an  implicit 
believer  in  that  principle  of  the  Declaration  of  In- 
dependence that  all  men  are  vested  with  certain 
inalienable  rights — the  equal  rights  to  life,  liberty, 
and  the  pursuit  of  happiness.  On  this  doctrine  he 


96  Abraham  Lincoln 

staked  his  case  and  carried  it.  We  have  time  only 
for  one  or  two  sentences  in  which  he  struck  the 
keynote  of  the  contest : 

"The  real  issue  in  this  country  is  the  eternal 
struggle  between  these  two  principles — right  and 
wrong — throughout  the  world.  They  are  the  two 
principles  that  have  stood  face  to  face  from  the 
beginning  of  time,  and  will  ever  continue  to  struggle. 
The  one  is  the  common  right  of  humanity,  and  the 
other  the  divine  right  of  kings.  It  is  the  same 
principle  in  whatever  shape  it  develops  itself.  It  is 
the  same  spirit  that  says,  'You  work  and  toil  and 
earn  bread  and  I  '11  eat  it." 

He  foresaw  with  unerring  vision  that  the  conflict 
was  inevitable  and  irrepressible — that  one  or  the 
other,  the  right  or  the  wrong,  freedom  or  slavery, 
must  ultimately  prevail  and  wholly  prevail,  through- 
out the  country;  and  this  was  the  principle  that 
carried  the  war,  once  begun,  to  a  finish. 

One  sentence  of  his  is  immortal : 

"Under  the  operation  of  the  policy  of  compromise, 
the  slavery  agitation  has  not  only  not  ceased,  but 
has  constantly  augmented.  In  my  opinion  it  will 
not  cease  until  a  crisis  shall  have  been  reached  and 
passed.  'A  house  divided  against  itself  cannot 
stand.'  I  believe  this  government  cannot  endure 
permanently  half  slave  and  half  free.  I  do  not  ex- 
pect the  Union  to  be  dissolved.  I  do  not  expect  the 
house  to  fall,  but  I  do  expect  it  will  cease  to  be 
divided.  It  will  become  all  one  thing  or  all  the 
other ;  either  the  opponents  of  slavery  will  arrest  the 
further  spread  of  it,  and  place  it  where  the  public 


Joseph  H.  Choate  97 

mind  shall  rest  in  the  belief  that  it  is  in  the  course 
of  ultimate  extinction,  or  its  advocates  will  push  it 
forward  till  it  shall  become  alike  lawful  in  all  the 
States,  old  as  well  as  new,  North  as  well  as  South." 
During  the  entire  decade  from  1850  to  1860  the 
agitation  of  the  slavery  question  was  at  the  boiling 
point,  and  events  which  have  become  historical 
continually  indicated  the  near  approach  of  the  over- 
whelming storm.  No  sooner  had  the  Compromise 
Acts  of  1850  resulted  in  a  temporary  peace,  which 
everybody  said  must  be  final  and  perpetual,  than 
new  outbreaks  came.  The  forcible  carrying  away 
of  fugitive  slaves  by  Federal  troops  from  Boston 
agitated  that  ancient  stronghold  of  freedom  to  its 
foundations.  The  publication  of  Uncle  Tom's  Cabin, 
which  truly  exposed  the  frightful  possibilities  of  the 
slave  system;  the  reckless  attempts  by  force  and 
fraud  to  establish  it  in  Kansas  against  the  will  of  the 
vast  majority  of  the  settlers ;  the  beating  of  Sumner 
in  the  Senate  Chamber  for  words  spoken  in  debate; 
the  Dred  Scott  decision  in  the  Supreme  Court,  which 
made  the  nation  realize  that  the  slave  power  had  at 
last  reached  the  fountain  of  Federal  justice;  and 
finally  the  execution  of  John  Brown,  for  his  wild  raid 
into  Virginia,  to  invite  the  slaves  to  rally  to  the 
standard  of  freedom  which  he  unfurled: — all  these 
events  tend  to  illustrate  and  confirm  Lincoln's  con- 
tention that  the  nation  could  not  permanently  con- 
tinue half  slave  and  half  free,  but  must  become  all 
one  thing  or  all  the  other.  When  John  Brown  lay 
under  sentence  of  death  he  declared  that  now  he 
was  sure  that  slavery  must  be  wiped  out  in  blood; 

VOL.  1. — 7 


98  Abraham  Lincoln 

but  neither  he  nor  his  executioners  dreamt  that 
within  four  years  a  million  soldiers  would  be  march- 
ing across  the  country  for  its  final  extirpation,  to  the 
music  of  the  war-song  of  the  great  conflict : 

"  John  Brown's  body  lies  a-mouldering  in  the  grave, 
But  his  soul  is  marching  on." 

And  now,  at  the  age  of  fifty-one,  this  child  of  the 
wilderness,  this  farm  laborer,  rail-splitter,  flatboat- 
man,  this  surveyor,  lawyer,  orator,  statesman,  and 
patriot,  found  himself  elected  by  the  great  party 
which  was  pledged  to  prevent  at  all  hazards  the 
further  extension  of  slavery,  as  the  chief  magistrate 
of  the  Republic,  bound  to  carry  out  that  purpose,  to 
be  the  leader  and  ruler  of  the  nation  in  its  most  try- 
ing hour. 

Those  who  believe  that  there  is  a  living  Provi- 
dence that  overrules  and  conducts  the  affairs  of 
nations,  find  in  the  elevation  of  this  plain  man  to 
this  extraordinary  fortune  and  to  this  great  duty, 
which  he  so  fitly  discharged,  a  signal  vindication  of 
their  faith.  Perhaps  to  this  philosophical  institu- 
tion the  judgment  of  our  philosopher  Emerson  will 
commend  itself  as  a  just  estimate  of  Lincoln's  his- 
torical place : 

"His  occupying  the  chair  of  state  was  a  triumph  of 
the  good  sense  of  mankind  and  of  the  public  con- 
science. He  grew  according  to  the  need;  his  mind 
mastered  the  problem  of  the  day:  and  as  the  prob- 
lem grew,  so  did  his  comprehension  of  it.  In  the 
war  there  was  no  place  for  holiday  magistrate,  nor 
fair-weather  sailor.  The  new  pilot  was  hurried  to 


Joseph  H.  Choate  99 

the  helm  in  a  tornado.  In  four  years — four  years 
of  battle  days — his  endurance,  his  fertility  of  re- 
source, his  magnanimity,  were  sorely  tried,  and 
never  found  wanting.  There,  by  his  courage,  his 
justice,  his  even  temper,  his  fertile  counsel,  his 
humanity,  he  stood  a  heroic  figure  in  the  centre  of  a 
heroic  epoch.  He  is  the  true  history  of  the  Ameri- 
can people  in  his  time,  the  true  representative  of  this 
continent — father  of  his  country,  the  pulse  of  twenty 
millions  throbbing  in  his  heart,  the  thought  of  their 
mind  articulated  in  his  tongue." 

He  was  born  great,  as  distinguished  from  those 
who  achieve  greatness  or  have  it  thrust  upon  them, 
and  his  inherent  capacity,  mental,  moral,  and 
physical,  having  been  recognized  by  the  educated 
intelligence  of  a  free  people,  they  happily  chose  him 
for  their  ruler  in  a  day  of  deadly  peril. 

It  is  now  forty  years  since  I  first  saw  and  heard 
Abraham  Lincoln,  but  the  impression  which  he  left 
on  my  mind  is  ineffaceable.  After  his  great  suc- 
cesses in  the  West  he  came  to  New  York  to  make 
a  political  address.  He  appeared  in  every  sense  of 
the  word  like  one  of  the  plain  people  among  whom 
he  loved  to  be  counted.  At  first  sight  there  was 
nothing  impressive  or  imposing  about  him — except 
that  his  great  stature  singled  him  out  from  the  crowd : 
his  clothes  hung  awkwardly  on  his  giant  frame;  his 
face  was  of  a  dark  pallor,  without  the  slightest  tinge 
of  color;  his  seamed  and  rugged  features  bore  the 
furrows  of  hardship  and  struggle;  his  deep-set  eyes 
looked  sad  and  anxious;  his  countenance  in  repose 
gave  little  evidence  of  that  brain  power  which  had 


ioo  Abraham  Lincoln 

raised  him  from  the  lowest  to  the  highest  station 
among  his  countrymen;  as  he  talked  to  me  before 
the  meeting,  he  seemed  ill  at  ease,  with  that  sort  of 
apprehension  which  a  young  man  might  feel  before 
presenting  himself  to  a  new  and  strange  audience, 
whose  critical  disposition  he  dreaded.  It  was  a 
great  audience,  including  all  the  noted  men — all  the 
learned  and  cultured — of  his  party  in  New  York: 
editors,  clergymen,  statesmen,  lawyers,  merchants, 
critics.  They  were  all  very  curious  to  hear  him. 
His  fame  as  a  powerful  speaker  had  preceded  him, 
and  exaggerated  rumor  of  his  wit — the  worst  fore- 
runner of  an  orator — had  reached  the  East.  When 
Mr.  Bryant  presented  him,  on  the  high  platform  of 
the  Cooper  Institute,  a  vast  sea  of  eager  upturned 
faces  greeted  him,  full  of  intense  curiosity  to  see 
what  this  rude  child  of  the  people  was  like.  He  was 
equal  to  the  occasion.  When  he  spoke  he  was  trans- 
formed; his  eye  kindled,  his  voice  rang,  his  face 
shone  and  seemed  to  light  up  the  whole  assembly. 
For  an  hour  and  a  half  he  held  his  audience  in  the 
hollow  of  his  hand.  His  style  of  speech  and  manner 
of  delivery  were  severely  simple.  What  Lowell 
called  "the  grand  simplicities  of  the  Bible,"  with 
which  he  was  so  familiar,  were  reflected  in  his  dis- 
course. With  no  attempt  at  ornament  or  rhetoric, 
without  parade  or  pretence,  he  spoke  straight  to  the 
point.  If  any  came  expecting  the  turgid  eloquence 
or  the  ribaldry  of  the  frontier,  they  must  have  been 
startled  at  the  earnest  and  sincere  purity  of  his 
utterances.  It  was  marvellous  to  see  how  this 
untutored  man,  by  mere  self-discipline  and  the 


Joseph  H.  Choate  101 

chastening  of  his  own  spirit,  had  outgrown  all 
meretricious  arts,  and  found  his  own  way  to  the 
grandeur  and  strength  of  absolute  simplicity. 

He  spoke  upon  the  theme  which  he  had  mastered 
so  thoroughly.  He  demonstrated  by  copious  his- 
torical proofs  and  masterly  logic  that  the  fathers 
who  created  the  Constitution  in  order  to  form  a 
more  perfect  union,  to  establish  justice,  and  to  secure 
the  blessings  of  liberty  to  themselves  and  their 
posterity,  intended  to  empower  the  Federal  Govern- 
ment to  exclude  slavery  from  the  Territories.  In  the 
kindliest  spirit  he  protested  against  the  avowed 
threat  of  the  Southern  States  to  destroy  the  Union  if, 
in  order  to  secure  freedom  in  those  vast  regions  out 
of  which  future  States  were  to  be  carved,  a  Republi- 
can President  were  elected.  He  closed  with  an  ap- 
peal to  his  audience,  spoken  with  all  the  fire  of  his 
aroused  and  kindling  conscience,  with  a  full  outpour- 
ing of  his  love  of  justice  and  liberty,  to  maintain  their 
political  purpose  on  that  lofty  and  unassailable  issue 
of  right  and  wrong  which  alone  could  justify  it,  and 
not  to  be  intimidated  from  their  high  resolve  and 
sacred  duty  by  any  threats  of  destruction  to  the 
government  or  of  ruin  to  themselves.  He  concluded 
with  this  telling  sentence,  which  drove  the  whole 
argument  home  to  all  our  hearts:  "Let  us  have 
faith  that  right  makes  might,  and  in  that  faith  let  us 
to  the  end  dare  to  do  our  duty  as  we  understand  it." 
That  night  the  great  hall,  and  the  next  day  the 
whole  city,  rang  with  delighted  applause  and  con- 
gratulations, and  he  who  had  come  as  a  stranger 
departed  with  the  laurels  of  great  triumph. 


io2  Abraham  Lincoln 

Alas!  in  five  years  from  that  exulting  night  I  saw 
him  again,  for  the  last  time,  in  the  same  city,  borne  in 
his  coffin  through  its  draped  streets.  With  tears  and 
lamentations  a  heart-broken  people  accompanied 
him  from  Washington,  the  scene  of  his  martyrdom, 
to  his  last  resting-place  in  the  young  city  of  the  West 
where  he  had  worked  his  way  to  fame. 

Never  was  a  new  ruler  in  a  more  desperate  plight 
than  Lincoln  when  he  entered  office  on  the  fourth  of 
March,  1861,  four  months  after  his  election,  and  took 
his  oath  to  support  the  Constitution  and  the  Union. 
The  intervening  time  had  been  busily  employed  by 
the  Southern  States  in  carrying  out  their  threat  of 
disunion  in  the  event  of  his  election.  As  soon  as  the 
fact  was  ascertained,  seven  of  them  had  seceded  and 
had  seized  upon  the  forts,  arsenals,  navy  yards,  and 
other  public  property  of  the  United  States  within 
their  boundaries,  and  were  making  every  prepara- 
tion for  war.  In  the  meantime  the  retiring  Presi- 
dent, who  had  been  elected  by  the  slave  power,  and 
who  thought  the  seceding  States  could  not  lawfully 
be  coerced,  had  done  absolutely  nothing.  Lincoln 
found  himself,  by  the  Constitution,  Commander-in- 
Chief  of  the  Army  and  Navy  of  the  United  States, 
but  with  only  a  remnant  of  either  at  hand.  Each 
was  to  be  created  on  a  great  scale  out  of  the  un- 
known resources  of  a  nation  untried  in  war. 

In  his  mild  and  conciliatory  inaugural  address, 
while  appealing  to  the  seceding  States  to  return  to 
their  allegiance,  he  avowed  his  purpose  to  keep  the 
solemn  oath  he  had  taken  that  day,  to  see  that  the 
laws  of  the  Union  were  faithfully  executed,  and  to 


Joseph  H.  Choate  103 

use  the  troops  to  recover  the  forts,  navy  yards,  and 
other  property  belonging  to  the  government.  It  is 
probable,  however,  that  neither  side  actually  realized 
that  war  was  inevitable,  and  that  the  other  was 
determined  to  fight,  until  the  assault  on  Fort  Sumter 
presented  the  South  as  the  first  aggressor  and  roused 
the  North  to  use  every  possible  resource  to  main- 
tain the  government  and  the  imperilled  Union,  and  to 
vindicate  the  supremacy  of  the  flag  over  every  inch 
of  the  territory  of  the  United  States.  The  fact  that 
Lincoln's  first  proclamation  called  for  only  75,000 
troops,  to  serve  for  three  months,  shows  how  inade- 
quate was  even  his  idea  of  what  the  future  had  in 
store.  But  from  that  moment  Lincoln  and  his  loyal 
supporters  never  faltered  in  their  purpose.  They 
knew  they  could  win,  that  it  was  their  duty  to  win, 
and  that  for  America  the  whole  hope  of  the  future 
depended  upon  their  winning;  for  now  by  the  acts 
of  the  seceding  States  the  issue  of  the  election — to 
secure  or  prevent  the  extension  of  slavery — stood 
transformed  into  a  struggle  to  preserve  or  to  destroy 
the  Union. 

We  cannot  follow  this  contest.  You  know  its 
gigantic  proportions ;  that  it  lasted  four  years  instead 
of  three  months;  that  in  its  progress,  instead  of 
7 5, ooo  men,  more  than  2,000,000  were  enrolled  on 
the  side  of  the  government  alone;  that  the  aggre- 
gate cost  and  loss  to  the  nation  approximated  to 
1,000,000,000  pounds  sterling,  and  that  not  less 
than  300,000  brave  and  precious  lives  were  sacrificed 
on  each  side.  History  has  recorded  how  Lincoln 
bore  himself  during  these  four  frightful  years;  that 


104  Abraham  Lincoln 

he  was  the  real  President,  the  responsible  and  actual 
head  of  the  government,  through  it  all;  that  he 
listened  to  all  advice,  heard  all  parties,  and  then, 
always  realizing  his  responsibility  to  God  and  the 
nation,  decided  every  great  executive  question  for 
himself.  His  absolute  honesty  had  become  pro- 
verbial long  before  he  was  President.  "Honest  Abe 
Lincoln  "  was  the  name  by  which  he  had  been  known 
for  years.  His  every  act  attested  it. 

In  all  the  grandeur  of  the  vast  power  that  he 
wielded,  he  never  ceased  to  be  one  of  the  plain  people, 
as  he  always  called  them,  never  lost  or  impaired  his 
perfect  sympathy  with  them,  was  always  in  perfect 
touch  with  them  and  open  to  their  appeals ;  and  here 
lay  the  very  secret  of  his  personality  and  of  his  power, 
for  the  people  in  turn  gave  him  their  absolute  con- 
fidence. His  courage,  his  fortitude,  his  patience,  his 
hopefulness,  were  sorely  tried  but  never  exhausted. 

He  was  true  as  steel  to  his  generals,  but  had  fre- 
quent occasion  to  change  them,  as  he  found  them  in- 
adequate. This  serious  and  painful  duty  rested 
wholly  upon  him,  and  was  perhaps  his  most  import- 
ant function  as  Commander-in-Chief ;  but  when,  at 
last,  he  recognized  in  General  Grant  the  master  of 
the  situation,  the  man  who  could  and  would  bring 
the  war  to  a  triumphant  end,  he  gave  it  all  over  to 
him  and  upheld  him  with  all  his  might.  Amid  all 
the  pressure  and  distress  that  the  burdens  of  office 
brought  upon  him,  his  unfailing  sense  of  humor 
saved  him;  probably  it  made  it  possible  for  him  to 
live  under  the  burden.  He  had  always  been  the 
great  story-teller  of  the  West,  and  he  used  and  culti- 


Joseph  H.  Choate  105 

vated  this  faculty  to  relieve  the  weight  of  the  load 
he  bore. 

It  enabled  him  to  keep  the  wonderful  record  of 
never  having  lost  his  temper,  no  matter  what  agony 
he  had  to  bear.  A  whole  night  might  be  spent  in 
recounting  the  stories  of  his  wit,  humor,  and  harm- 
less sarcasm.  But  I  will  recall  only  two  of  his  say- 
ings, both  about  General  Grant,  who  always  found 
plenty  of  enemies  and  critics  to  urge  the  President 
to  oust  him  from  his  command.  One,  I  am  sure, 
will  interest  all  Scotchmen.  They  repeated  with 
malicious  intent  the  gossip  that  Grant  drank. 
"What  does  he  drink?"  asked  Lincoln.  "Whiskey," 
was,  of  course,  the  answer;  doubtless  you  can  guess 
the  brand.  "Well,"  said  the  President,  "just  find 
out  what  particular  kind  he  uses  and  I  '11  send  a 
barrel  to  each  of  my  other  generals."  The  other 
must  be  as  pleasing  to  the  British  as  to  the  American 
ear.  When  pressed  again  on  other  grounds  to  get 
rid  of  Grant,  he  declared,  "I  can't  spare  that  man, 
he  fights!" 

He  was  tender-hearted  to  a  fault,  and  never  could 
resist  the  appeals  of  wives  and  mothers  of  soldiers 
who  had  got  into  trouble  and  were  under  sentence 
of  death  for  their  offences.  His  Secretary  of  War 
and  other  officials  complained  that  they  never  could 
get  deserters  shot.  As  surely  as  the  women  of  the 
culprit's  family  could  get  at  him  he  always  gave  way. 
Certainly  you  will  all  appreciate  his  exquisite  sym- 
pathy with  the  suffering  relatives  of  those  who  had 
fallen  in  battle.  His  heart  bled  with  theirs.  Never 
was  there  a  more  gentle  and  tender  utterance  than 


io6  Abraham  Lincoln 

his  letter  to  a  mother  who  had  given  all  her  sons  to 
her  country,  written  at  a  time  when  the  angel  of 
death  had  visited  almost  every  household  in  the  land, 
and  was  already  hovering  over  him. 

"I  have  been  shown,"  he  says,  "in  the  files  of 
the  War  Department  a  statement  that  you  are  the 
mother  of  five  sons  who  have  died  gloriously  on  the 
field  of  battle.  I  feel  how  weak  and  fruitless  must 
be  any  words  of  mine  which  should  attempt  to  be- 
guile you  from  your  grief  for  a  loss  so  overwhelming 
— but  I  cannot  refrain  from  tendering  to  you  the 
consolation  which  may  be  found  in  the  thanks  of 
the  Republic  they  died  to  save.  I  pray  that  our 
Heavenly  Father  may  assuage  the  anguish  of  your 
bereavement  and  leave  you  only  the  cherished 
memory  of  the  loved  and  the  lost,  and  the  solemn 
pride  that  must  be  yours  to  have  laid  so  costly  a 
sacrifice  upon  the  altar  of  freedom." 

Hardly  could  your  illustrious  sovereign,  from  the 
depths  of  her  queenly  and  womanly  heart,  have 
spoken  words  more  touching  and  tender  to  soothe 
the  stricken  mothers  of  her  own  soldiers. 

The  Emancipation  Proclamation,  with  which  Mr. 
Lincoln  delighted  the  country  and  the  world  on  the 
first  of  January,  1863,  will  doubtless  secure  for  him 
a  foremost  place  in  history  among  the  philanthro- 
pists and  benefactors  of  the  race,  as  it  rescued,  from 
hopeless  and  degrading  slavery,  so  many  millions 
of  his  fellow-beings  described  in  the  law  and  exist- 
ing in  fact  as  "chattels-personal,  in  the  hands  of 
their  owners  and  possessors,  to  all  intents,  construc- 
tions, and  purposes  whatsoever."  Rarely  does  the 


Joseph  H.  Choate  107 

happy  fortune  come  to  one  man  to  render  such  a  ser- 
vice to  his  kind — to  proclaim  liberty  throughout  the 
land  unto  all  the  inhabitants  thereof. 

Ideas  rule  the  world,  and  never  was  there  a  more 
signal  instance  of  this  triumph  of  an  idea  than  here. 
William  Lloyd  Garrison,  who  thirty  years  before 
had  begun  his  crusade  for  the  abolition  of  slavery, 
and  had  lived  to  see  this  glorious  and  unexpected 
consummation  of  the  hopeless  cause  to  which  he  had 
devoted  his  life,  well  described  the  proclamation  as 
a  "great  historic  event,  sublime  in  its  magnitude, 
momentous  and  beneficent  in  its  far-reaching  con- 
sequences, and  eminently  just  and  right  alike  to  the 
oppressor  and  the  oppressed." 

Lincoln  had  always  been  heart  and  soul  opposed 
to  slavery.  Tradition  says  that  on  the  trip  on  the 
flatboat  to  New  Orleans  he  formed  his  first  and  last 
opinion  of  slavery  at  the  sight  of  negroes  chained 
and  scourged,  and  that  then  and  there  the  iron  en- 
tered into  his  soul.  No  boy  could  grow  to  man- 
hood in  those  days  as  a  poor  white  in  Kentucky 
and  Indiana,  in  close  contact  with  slavery  or  in  its 
neighborhood,  without  a  growing  consciousness  of  its 
blighting  effects  on  free  labor,  as  well  as  of  its  frightful 
injustice  and  cruelty.  In  the  Legislature  of  Illinois, 
where  the  public  sentiment  was  all  for  upholding  the 
institution  and  violently  against  every  movement 
for  its  abolition  or  restriction,  upon  the  passage  of 
resolutions  to  that  effect  he  had  the  courage  with  one 
companion  to  put  on  record  his  protest,  "believing 
that  the  institution  of  slavery  is  founded  both  in 
injustice  and  bad  policy."  No  great  demonstration 


io8  Abraham  Lincoln 

of  courage,  you  will  say ;  but  that  was  at  a  time  when 
Garrison,  for  his  abolition  utterances,  had  been 
dragged  by  an  angry  mob  through  the  streets  of 
Boston  with  a  rope  around  his  body,  and  in  the  very 
year  that  Love  joy  in  the  same  State  of  Illinois  was 
slain  by  rioters  while  defending  his  press,  from  which 
he  had  printed  antislavery  appeals. 

In  Congress  he  brought  in  a  bill  for  gradual  aboli- 
tion in  the  District  of  Columbia,  with  compensation 
to  the  owners, — for  until  they  raised  treasonable 
hands  against  the  life  of  the  nation  he  always  main- 
tained that  the  property  of  the  slaveholders,  into 
which  they  had  come  by  two  centuries  of  descent, 
without  fault  on  their  part,  ought  not  to  be  taken 
away  from  them  without  just  compensation.  He 
used  to  say  that,  one  way  or  another,  he  had  voted 
forty-two  times  for  the  Wilmot  Proviso,  which  Mr. 
Wilmot  of  Pennsylvania  moved  as  an  addition  to 
every  bill  which  affected  United  States  territory, — 
"that  neither  slavery  nor  involuntary  servitude 
shall  ever  exist  in  any  part  of  the  said  territory," — 
and  it  is  evident  that  his  condemnation  of  the  system, 
on  moral  grounds  as  a  crime  against  the  human  race, 
and  on  political  grounds  as  a  cancer  that  was  sapping 
the  vitals  of  the  nation,  and  must  master  its  whole 
being  or  be  itself  extirpated,  grew  steadily  upon  him 
until  it  culminated  in  his  great  speeches  in  the 
Illinois  debate. 

By  the  mere  election  of  Lincoln  to  the  Presidency, 
the  further  extension  of  slavery  into  the  Territories 
was  rendered  forever  impossible — Vox  populi,  vox 
Dei.  Revolutions  never  go  backward,  and  when 


Joseph  H.  Choate 

founded  on  a  great  moral  sentiment  stirring  the 
heart  of  an  indignant  people  their  edicts  are  irresist- 
ible and  final.  Had  the  slave  power  acquiesced  in 
that  election,  had  the  Southern  States  remained 
under  the  Constitution  and  within  the  Union,  and 
relied  upon  their  constitutional  and  legal  rights,  their 
favorite  institution,  immoral  as  it  was,  blighting  and 
fatal  as  it  was,  might  have  endured  for  another 
century.  The  great  party  that  had  elected  him, 
unalterably  determined  against  its  extension,  was 
nevertheless  pledged  not  to  interfere  with  its  con- 
tinuance in  the  States  where  it  already  existed.  Of 
course,  when  new  regions  were  forever  closed  against 
it,  from  its  very  nature  it  must  have  begun  to  shrink 
and  to  dwindle;  and  probably  gradual  and  com- 
pensated emancipation,  which  appealed  very  strongly 
to  the  new  President's  sense  of  justice  and  expedi- 
ency, would,  in  the  progress  of  time,  by  a  reversion 
to  the  ideas  of  the  founders  of  the  Republic,  have 
found  a  safe  outlet  for  both  masters  and  slaves. 
But  whom  the  gods  wish  to  destroy  they  first  make 
mad,  and  when  seven  States,  afterwards  increased 
to  eleven,  openly  seceded  from  the  Union,  when  they 
declared  and  began  the  war  upon  the  nation,  and 
challenged  its  mighty  power  to  the  desperate  and 
protracted  struggle  for  its  life,  and  for  the  main- 
tenance of  its  authority  as  a  nation  over  its  territory, 
they  gave  to  Lincoln  and  to  freedom  the  sublime 
opportunity  of  history. 

In  his  first  inaugural  address,  when  as  yet  not  a 
drop  of  precious  blood  had  been  shed,  while  he  held 
out  to  them  the  olive  branch  in  one  hand,  in  the 


i  io  Abraham  Lincoln 

other  he  presented  the  guarantees  of  the  Constitu- 
tion, and  after  reciting  the  emphatic  resolution  of 
the  convention  that  nominated  him,  that  the  main- 
tenance inviolate  of  the  "rights  of  the  States,  and 
especially  the  right  of  each  State  to  order  and  control 
its  own  domestic  institutions  according  to  its  own 
judgment  exclusively,  is  essential  to  that  balance  of 
power  on  which  the  perfection  and  endurance  of  our 
political  fabric  depend,"  he  reiterated  this  sentiment, 
and  declared,  with  no  mental  reservation,  "that  all 
the  protection  which,  consistently  with  the  Constitu- 
tion and  the  laws,  can  be  given,  will  be  cheerfully 
given  to  all  the  States  when  lawfully  demanded  for 
whatever  cause — as  cheerfully  to  one  section  as  to 
another." 

When,  however,  these  magnanimous  overtures  for 
peace  and  reunion  were  rejected;  when  the  seceding 
States  defied  the  Constitution  and  every  clause  and 
principle  of  it ;  when  they  persisted  in  staying  out  of 
the  Union  from  which  they  had  seceded,  and  pro- 
ceeded to  carve  out  of  its  territory  a  new  and  hostile 
empire  based  on  slavery;  when  they  flew  at  the 
throat  of  the  nation  and  plunged  it  into  the  bloodiest 
war  of  the  nineteenth  century — the  tables  were 
turned,  and  the  belief  gradually  came  to  the  mind 
of  the  President  that  if  the  Rebellion  was  not  soon 
subdued  by  force  of  arms,  if  the  war  must  be  fought 
out  to  the  bitter  end,  then  to  reach  that  end  the 
salvation  of  the  nation  itself  might  require  the 
destruction  of  slavery  wherever  it  existed;  that  if 
the  war  was  to  continue  on  one  side  for  Disunion, 
for  no  other  purpose  than  to  preserve  slavery,  it  must 


Joseph  H.  Choate 

continue  on  the  other  side  for  the  Union,  to  destroy 
slavery. 

As  he  said,  "Events  control  me;  I  cannot  control 
events,"  and  as  the  dreadful  war  progressed  and 
became  more  deadly  and  dangerous,  the  unalterable 
conviction  was  forced  upon  him  that,  in  order  that 
the  frightful  sacrifice  of  life  and  treasure  on  both 
sides  might  not  be  all  in  vain,  it  had  become  his  duty 
as  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  Army,  as  a  necessary 
war  measure,  to  strike  a  blow  at  the  Rebellion  which, 
all  others  failing,  would  inevitably  lead  to  its  anni- 
hilation, by  annihilating  the  very  thing  for  which  it 
was  contending.  His  own  words  are  the  best : 

"I  understood  that  my  oath  to  preserve  the  Con- 
stitution to  the  best  of  my  ability  imposed  upon  me 
the  duty  of  preserving  by  every  indispensable  means 
that  government — that  nation — of  which  that  Con- 
stitution was  the  organic  law.  Was  it  possible  to 
lose  the  nation  and  yet  preserve  the  Constitution? 
By  general  law,  life  and  limb  must  be  protected, 
yet  often  a  limb  must  be  amputated  to  save  a  life; 
but  a  life  is  never  wisely  given  to  save  a  limb.  I 
felt  that  measures  otherwise  unconstitutional  might 
become  lawful  by  becoming  indispensable  to  the  pre- 
servation of  the  Constitution  through  the  preserva- 
tion of  the  nation.  Right  or  wrong,  I  assumed  this 
ground  and  now  avow  it.  I  could  not  feel  that  to 
the  best  of  my  ability  I  had  ever  tried  to  preserve 
the  Constitution  if  to  save  slavery  or  any  minor 
matter  I  should  permit  the  wreck  of  government, 
country,  and  Constitution  all  together." 

And  so,  at  last,  when  in  his  judgment  the  indis- 


ii2  Abraham  Lincoln 

pensable  necessity  had  come,  he  struck  the  fatal 
blow,  and  signed  the  proclamation  which  has  made 
his  name  immortal.  By  it,  the  President,  as  Com- 
mander-in-Chief  in  time  of  actual  armed  rebellion, 
and  as  a  fit  and  necessary  war  measure  for  suppress- 
ing the  rebellion,  proclaimed  all  persons  held  as 
slaves  in  the  States  and  parts  of  States  then  in 
rebellion  to  be  thenceforward  free,  and  declared 
that  the  executive,  with  the  army  and  navy,  would 
recognize  and  maintain  their  freedom. 

In  the  other  great  steps  of  the  government,  which 
led  to  the  triumphant  prosecution  of  the  war,  he 
necessarily  shared  the  responsibility  and  the  credit 
with  the  great  statesmen  who  stayed  up  his  hands  in 
his  cabinet, — with  Seward,  Chase  and  Stanton,  and 
the  rest, — and  with  his  generals  and  admirals,  his 
soldiers  and  sailors,  but  this  great  act  was  abso- 
lutely his  own.  The  conception  and  execution  were 
exclusively  his.  He  laid  it  before  his  cabinet  as  a 
measure  on  which  his  mind  was  made  up  and  could 
not  be  changed,  asking  them  only  for  suggestions 
as  to  details.  He  chose  the  time  and  the  circum- 
stances under  which  the  Emancipation  should  be 
proclaimed  and  when  it  should  take  effect. 

It  came  not  an  hour  too  soon ;  but  public  opinion 
in  the  North  would  not  have  sustained  it  earlier. 
In  the  first  eighteen  months  of  the  war  its  ravages 
had  extended  from  the  Atlantic  to  beyond  the 
Mississippi.  Many  victories  in  the  West  had  been 
balanced  and  paralyzed  by  inaction  and  disasters  in 
Virginia,  only  partially  redeemed  by  the  bloody  and 
indecisive  battle  of  Antietam;  a  reaction  had  set  in 


Joseph  H.  Choate  113 

from  the  general  enthusiasm  which  had  swept  the 
Northern  States  after  the  assault  upon  Sumter.  It 
could  not  truly  be  said  that  they  had  lost  heart,  but 
faction  was  raising  its  head.  Heard  through  the 
land  like  the  blast  of  a  bugle,  the  proclamation 
rallied  the  patriotism  of  the  country  to  fresh  sacri- 
fices and  renewed  ardor.  It  was  a  step  that  could 
not  be  revoked.  It  relieved  the  conscience  of  the 
nation  from  an  incubus  that  had  oppressed  it  from 
its  birth.  The  United  States  were  rescued  from  the 
false  predicament  in  which  they  had  been  from  the 
beginning,  and  the  great  popular  heart  leaped  with 
new  enthusiasm  for  "Liberty  and  Union,  hence- 
forth and  forever,  one  and  inseparable."  It  brought 
not  only  moral  but  material  support  to  the  cause  of 
the  government,  for  within  two  years  120,000  colored 
troops  were  enlisted  in  the  military  service  and  fol- 
lowing the  national  flag,  supported  by  all  the  loyalty 
of  the  North,  and  led  by  its  choicest  spirits.  One 
mother  said,  when  her  son  was  offered  the  command 
of  the  first  colored  regiment,  "  If  he  accepts  it  I  shall 
be  as  proud  as  if  I  had  heard  that  he  was  shot."  He 
was  shot  heading  a  gallant  charge  of  his  regiment. 
The  Confederates  replied  to  a  request  of  his  friends 
for  his  body  that  they  had  "buried  him  under  a 
layer  of  his  niggers";  but  that  mother  has  lived  to 
enjoy  thirty-six  years  of  his  glory,  and  Boston  has 
erected  its  noblest  monument  to  his  memory. 

The  effect  of  the  proclamation  upon  the  actual 
progress  of  the  war  was  not  immediate,  but  wherever 
the  Federal  armies  advanced  they  carried  freedom 
with  them,  and  when  the  summer  came  round  the 

VOL.  I. — 8. 


ii4  Abraham  Lincoln 

new  spirit  and  force  which  had  animated  the  heart  of 
the  government  and  people  were  manifest.  In  the 
first  week  of  July  the  decisive  battle  of  Gettysburg 
turned  the  tide  of  war,  and  the  fall  of  Vicksburg  made 
the  great  river  free  from  its  source  to  the  Gulf. 

On  foreign  nations  the  influence  of  the  proclama- 
tion and  of  these  new  victories  was  of  great  im- 
portance. In  those  days,  when  there  was  no  cable, 
it  was  not  easy  for  foreign  observers  to  appreciate 
what  was  really  going  on ;  they  could  not  see  clearly 
the  true  state  of  affairs,  as  in  the  last  year  of  the 
nineteenth  century  we  have  been  able,  by  our  new 
electric  vision,  to  watch  every  event  at  the  antipodes 
and  observe  its  effect.  The  Rebel  emissaries,  sent 
over  to  solicit  intervention,  spared  no  pains  to  im- 
press upon  the  minds  of  public  and  private  men  and 
upon  the  press  their  own  views  of  the  character  of 
the  contest.  The  prospects  of  the  Confederacy  were 
always  better  abroad  than  at  home.  The  stock 
markets  of  the  world  gambled  upon  its  chances,  and 
its  bonds  at  one  time  were  high  in  favor. 

Such  ideas  as  these  were  seriously  held:  that  the 
North  was  fighting  for  empire  and  the  South  for  in- 
dependence; that  the  Southern  States,  instead  of 
being  the  grossest  oligarchies,  essentially  despotisms, 
founded  on  the  right  of  one  man  to  appropriate  the 
fruit  of  other  men's  toil  and  to  exclude  them  from 
equal  rights,  were  real  republics,  feebler  to  be  sure 
than  their  Northern  rivals,  but  representing  the  same 
idea  of  freedom,  and  that  the  mighty  strength  of  the 
nation  was  being  put  forth  to  crush  them;  that 
Jefferson  Davis  and  the  Southern  leaders  had  created 


Joseph  H.  Choate  115 

a  nation ;  that  the  republican  experiment  had  failed 
and  the  Union  had  ceased  to  exist.  But  the  crown- 
ing argument  to  foreign  minds  was  that  it  was  an 
utter  impossibility  for  the  government  to  win  in  the 
contest ;  that  the  success  of  the  Southern  States,  so 
far  as  separation  was  concerned,  was  as  certain  as  any 
event  yet  future  and  contingent  could  be;  that  the 
subjugation  of  the  South  by  the  North,  even  if  it 
could  be  accomplished,  would  prove  a  calamity  to 
the  United  States  and  the  world,  and  especially 
calamitous  to  the  negro  race;  and  that  such  a 
victory  would  necessarily  leave  the  people  of  the 
South  for  many  generations  cherishing  deadly 
hostility  against  the  government  and  the  North,  and 
plotting  always  to  recover  their  independence. 

When  Lincoln  issued  his  proclamation  he  knew 
that  all  these  ideas  were  founded  in  error;  that  the 
national  resources  were  inexhaustible;  that  the 
government  could  and  would  win,  and  that  if  slavery 
were  once  finally  disposed  of,  the  only  cause  of 
difference  being  out  of  the  way,  the  North  and  South 
would  come  together  again,  and  by  and  by  be  as 
good  friends  as  ever.  In  many  quarters  abroad  the 
proclamation  was  welcomed  with  enthusiasm  by  the 
friends  of  America;  but  I  think  the  demonstrations 
in  its  favor  that  brought  more  gladness  to  Lincoln's 
heart  than  any  other  were  the  meetings  held  in  the 
manufacturing  centres,  by  the  very  operatives  upon 
whom  the  war  bore  the  hardest,  expressing  the  most 
enthusiastic  sympathy  with  the  proclamation,  while 
they  bore  with  heroic  fortitude  the  grievous  pri- 
vations which  the  war  entailed  upon  them.  Mr. 


ii6  Abraham  Lincoln 

Lincoln's  expectation  when  he  announced  to  the 
world  that  all  slaves  in  all  States  then  in  rebellion  were 
set  free  must  have  been  that  the  avowed  position  of 
his  government,  that  the  continuance  of  the  war  now 
meant  the  annihilation  of  slavery,  would  make  inter- 
vention impossible  for  any  foreign  nation  whose  peo- 
ple were  lovers  of  liberty — and  so  the  result  proved. 
The  growth  and  development  of  Lincoln's  mental 
power  and  moral  force,  of  his  intense  and  magnetic 
personality,  after  the  vast  responsibilities  of  govern- 
ment were  thrown  upon  him  at  the  age  of  fifty-two, 
furnish  a  rare  and  striking  illustration  of  the  marvel- 
lous capacity  and  adaptability  of  the  human  intellect 
— of  the  sound  mind  in  the  sound  body.  He  came 
to  the  discharge  of  the  great  duties  of  the  Presidency 
with  absolutely  no  experience  in  the  administration 
of  government,  or  of  the  vastly  varied  and  compli- 
cated questions  of  foreign  and  domestic  policy  which 
immediately  arose,  and  continued  to  press  upon  him 
during  the  rest  of  his  life;  but  he  mastered  each  as 
it  came,  apparently  with  the  facility  of  a  trained  and 
experienced  ruler.  As  Clarendon  said  of  Cromwell, 
"His  parts  seemed  to  be  raised  by  the  demands  of 
great  station."  His  life  through  it  all  was  one  of 
intense  labor,  anxiety,  and  distress,  without  one  hour 
of  peaceful  repose  from  first  to  last.  But  he  rose  to 
eveiy  occasion.  He  led  public  opinion,  but  did  not 
march  so  far  in  advance  of  it  as  to  fail  of  its  effective 
support  in  every  great  emergency.  He  knew  the 
heart  and  thought  of  the  people,  as  no  man  not  in 
constant  and  absolute  sympathy  with  them  could 
have  known  it,  and  so  holding  their  confidence,  he 


Joseph  H.  Choate  117 

triumphed  through  and  with  them.  Not  only  was 
there  this  steady  growth  of  intellect,  but  the  infinite 
delicacy  of  his  nature  and  its  capacity  for  refinement 
developed  also,  as  exhibited  in  the  purity  and  per- 
fection of  his  language  and  style  of  speech.  The 
rough  backwoodsman,  who  had  never  seen  the  inside 
of  a  university,  became  in  the  end,  by  self -training 
and  the  exercise  of  his  own  powers  of  mind,  heart, 
and  soul,  a  master  of  style,  and  some  of  his  utterances 
will  rank  with  the  best,  the  most  perfectly  adapted 
to  the  occasion  which  produced  them. 

Have  you  time  to  listen  to  his  two-minutes  speech 
at  Gettysburg,  at  the  dedication  of  the  Soldiers' 
Cemetery  ?  His  whole  soul  was  in  it : 

"Four  score  and  seven  years  ago  our  fathers 
brought  forth  on  this  continent  a  new  nation,  con- 
ceived in  liberty  and  dedicated  to  the  proposition 
that  all  men  are  created  equal.  Now  we  are  engaged 
in  a  great  civil  war,  testing  whether  that  nation,  or 
any  nation  so  conceived  and  so  dedicated,  can  long 
endure.  We  are  met  on  a  great  battlefield  of  that 
war.  We  have  come  to  dedicate  a  portion  of  that 
field  as  a  final  resting-place  for  those  who  here  gave 
their  lives  that  that  nation  might  live.  It  is  al- 
together fitting  and  proper  that  we  should  do  this. 
But  in  a  larger  sense  we  cannot  dedicate — we  cannot 
consecrate — we  cannot  hallow  this  ground.  The 
brave  men,  living  and  dead,  who  struggled  here  have 
consecrated  it  far  above  our  poor  power  to  add  or 
detract.  The  world  will  little  note,  nor  long  remem- 
ber, what  we  say  here — but  it  can  never  forget  what 
they  did  here.  It  is  for  us,  the  living,  rather,  to  be 


u8  Abraham  Lincoln 

dedicated  here  to  the  unfinished  work  which  they 
who  fought  here  have  thus  far  so  nobly  advanced. 
It  is  rather  for  us  to  be  here  dedicated  to  the  great 
task  remaining  before  us — that  from  these  honored 
dead  we  take  increased  devotion  to  that  cause  for 
which  they  gave  the  last  full  measure  of  devotion — 
that  we  here  highly  resolve  that  these  dead  shall  not 
have  died  in  vain — that  this  nation  under  God  shall 
have  a  new  birth  of  freedom — and  that  government 
of  the  people,  by  the  people,  and  for  the  people  shall 
not  perish  from  the  earth." 

He  lived  to  see  his  work  indorsed  by  an  overwhelm- 
ing majority  of  his  countrymen.  In  his  second  in- 
augural address,  pronounced  just  forty  days  before 
his  death,  there  is  a  single  passage  which  well  dis- 
plays his  indomitable  will  and  at  the  same  time  his 
deep  religious  feeling,  his  sublime  charity  to  the 
enemies  of  his  country,  and  his  broad  and  catholic 
humanity : 

"If  we  shall  suppose  that  American  slavery  is  one 
of  those  offences  which  in  the  Providence  of  God 
must  needs  come,  but  which,  having  continued 
through  the  appointed  time,  He  now  wills  to  remove, 
and  that  He  gives  to  both  North  and  South  this 
terrible  war,  as  the  woe  due  to  those  by  whom  the 
offence  came,  shall  we  discern  therein  any  departure 
from  those  divine  attributes  which  the  believers  in  a 
living  God  always  ascribe  to  Him?  Fondly  do  we 
hope,  fervently  do  we  pray,  that  this  mighty  scourge 
of  war  may  speedily  pass  away.  Yet,  if  God  wills 
that  it  continue  until  all  the  wealth  piled  by  the 
bondsmen's  two  hundred  and  fifty  years  of  unre- 


Joseph  H.  Choate  119 

quited  toil  shall  be  sunk,  and  until  every  drop  of 
blood  drawn  with  the  lash  shall  be  paid  with  another 
drawn  by  the  sword,  as  was  said  three  thousand 
years  ago,  so  still  it  must  be  said,  '  the  judgments  of 
the  Lord  are  true  and  righteous  altogether.' 

"With  malice  toward  none,  with  charity  for  all, 
with  firmness  in  the  right  as  God  gives  us  to  see  the 
right — let  us  strive  on  to  finish  the  work  we  are  in: 
to  bind  up  the  nation's  wounds;  to  care  for  him  who 
shall  have  borne  the  battle  and  for  his  widow  and  his 
orphan — to  do  all  which  may  achieve  and  cherish  a 
just  and  lasting  peace  among  ourselves,  and  with  all 
nations." 

His  prayer  was  answered.  The  forty  days  of  life 
that  remained  to  him  were  crowned  with  great 
historic  events.  He  lived  to  see  his  Proclamation  of 
Emancipation  embodied  in  an  amendment  of  the 
Constitution,  adopted  by  Congress,  and  submitted  to 
the  States  for  ratification.  The  mighty  scourge  of 
war  did  speedily  pass  away,  for  it  was  given  him  to 
witness  the  surrender  of  the  Rebel  army  and  the  fall 
of  their  capital,  and  the  starry  flag  that  he  loved 
waving  in  triumph  over  the  national  soil.  When 
he  died  by  the  madman's  hand  in  the  supreme  hour 
of  victory,  the  vanquished  lost  their  best  friend,  and 
the  human  race  one  of  its  noblest  examples ;  and  all 
the  friends  of  freedom  and  justice,  in  whose  cause  he 
lived  and  died,  joined  hands  as  mourners  at  his  grave. 


THE  WRITINGS  OF 
ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

1832-1843 


121 


THE  WRITINGS  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 


ADDRESS   TO   THE    PEOPLE    OF    SANGAMON    COUNTY. 
March  9,  1832. 

FELLOW-CITIZENS  :— Having  become  a  candidate  for 
the  honorable  office  of  one  of  your  Representatives 
in  the  next  General  Assembly  of  this  State,  in  accord- 
ance with  an  established  custom  and  the  principles 
of  true  Republicanism  it  becomes  my  duty  to  make 
known  to  you,  the  people  whom  I  propose  to  repre- 
sent, my  sentiments  with  regard  to  local  affairs. 

Time  and  experience  have  verified  to  a  demonstra- 
tion the  public  utility  of  internal  improvements. 
That  the  poorest  and  most  thinly  populated  coun- 
tries would  be  greatly  benefited  by  the  opening  of 
good  roads,  and  in  the  clearing  of  navigable  streams 
within  their  limits,  is  what  no  person  will  deny. 
Yet  it  is  folly  to  undertake  works  of  this  or  any  other 
kind  without  first  knowing  that  we  are  able  to  finish 
them, — as  half -finished  work  generally  proves  to  be 
labor  lost.  There  cannot  justly  be  any  objection  to 
having  railroads  and  canals,  any  more  than  to  other 
good  things,  provided  they  cost  nothing.  The  only 
objection  is  to  paying  for  them;  and  the  objection 
arises  from  the  want  of  ability  to  pay. 

With  respect  to  the  County  of  Sangamon,  some 

123 


124  The  Writings  of 

more  easy  means  of  communication  than  it  now 
possesses,  for  the  purpose  of  facilitating  the  task  of 
exporting  the  surplus  products  of  its  fertile  soil,  and 
importing  necessary  articles  from  abroad,  are  in- 
dispensably necessary.  A  meeting  has  been  held  of 
the  citizens  of  Jacksonville  and  the  adjacent  country, 
for  the  purpose  of  deliberating  and  inquiring  into  the 
expediency  of  constructing  a  railroad  from  some 
eligible  point  on  the  Illinois  River,  through  the  town 
of  Jacksonville,  in  Morgan  County,  to  the  town  of 
Springfield,  in  Sangamon  County.  This  is,  indeed, 
a  very  desirable  object.  No  other  improvement 
that  reason  will  justify  us  in  hoping  for  can  equal  in 
utility  the  railroad.  It  is  a  never-failing  source  of 
communication  between  places  of  business  remotely 
situated  from  each  other.  Upon  the  railroad  the 
regular  progress  of  commercial  intercourse  is  not 
interrupted  by  either  high  or  low  water,  or  freezing 
weather,  which  are  the  principal  difficulties  that 
render  our  future  hopes  of  water  communication 
precarious  and  uncertain. 

Yet,  however  desirable  an  object  the  construction 
of  a  railroad  through  our  country  may  be,  however 
high  our  imaginations  may  be  heated  at  thoughts  of 
it, — there  is  always  a  heart-appalling  shock  accom- 
panying the  amount  of  its  cost,  which  forces  us  to 
shrink  from  our  pleasing  anticipations.  The  prob- 
able cost  of  this  contemplated  railroad  is  estimated 
at  $290,000;  the  bare  statement  of  which,  in  my 
opinion,  is  sufficient  to  justify  the  belief  that  the 
improvement  of  the  Sangamon  River  is  an  object 
much  better  suited  to  our  infant  resources. 


Abraham  Lincoln  125 

Respecting  this  view,  I  think  I  may  say,  without 
the  fear  of  being  contradicted,  that  its  navigation 
may  be  rendered  completely  practicable  as  high  as 
the  mouth  of  the  South  Fork,  or  probably  higher, 
to  vessels  of  from  twenty-five  to  thirty  tons  burden, 
for  at  least  one  half  of  all  common  years,  and  to 
vessels  of  much  greater  burden  a  part  of  the  time. 
From  my  peculiar  circumstances,  it  is  probable  that 
for  the  last  twelve  months  I  have  given  as  particular 
attention  to  the  stage  of  the  water  in  this  river  as 
any  other  person  in  the  country.  In  the  month  of 
March,  1831,  in  company  with  others,  I  commenced 
the  building  of  a  flatboat  on  the  Sangamon,  and 
finished  and  took  her  out  in  the  course  of  the  spring. 
Since  that  time  I  have  been  concerned  in  the  mill 
at  New  Salem.  These  circumstances  are  sufficient 
evidence  that  I  have  not  been  very  inattentive  to  the 
stages  of  the  water.  The  time  at  which  we  crossed 
the  mill-dam  being  in  the  last  days  of  April,  the 
water  was  lower  than  it  had  been  since  the  breaking 
of  winter  in  February,  or  than  it  was  for  several 
weeks  after.  The  principal  difficulties  we  encoun- 
tered in  descending  the  river  were  from  the  drifted 
timber,  which  obstructions  all  know  are  not  difficult 
to  be  removed.  Knowing  almost  precisely  the  height 
of  water  at  that  time,  I  believe  I  am  safe  in  saying 
that  it  has  as  often  been  higher  as  lower  since. 

From  this  view  of  the  subject  it  appears  that  my 
calculations  with  regard  to  the  navigation  of  the 
Sangamon  cannot  but  be  founded  in  reason;  but, 
whatever  may  be  its  natural  advantages,  certain  it 
is  that  it  never  can  be  practically  useful  to  any  great 


i26  The  Writings  of 

extent  without  being  greatly  improved  by  art.  The 
drifted  timber,  as  I  have  before  mentioned,  is  the 
most  formidable  barrier  to  this  object.  Of  all  parts 
of  this  river,  none  will  require  so  much  labor  in  pro- 
portion to  make  it  navigable  as  the  last  thirty  or 
thirty-five  miles;  and  going  with  the  meanderings 
of  the  channel,  when  we  are  this  distance  above  its 
mouth  we  are  only  between  twelve  and  eighteen 
miles  above  Beardstown  in  something  near  a  straight 
direction ;  and  this  route  is  upon  such  low  ground  as 
to  retain  water  in  many  places  during  the  season, 
and  in  all  parts  such  as  to  draw  two  thirds  or  three 
fourths  of  the  river  water  at  all  high  stages. 

This  route  is  on  prairie-land  the  whole  distance, 
so  that  it  appears  to  me,  by  removing  the  turf  a 
sufficient  width,  and  damming  up  the  old  channel, 
the  whole  river  in  a  short  time  would  wash  its  way 
through,  thereby  curtailing  the  distance  and  increas- 
ing the  velocity  of  the  current  very  considerably, 
while  there  would  be  no  timber  on  the  banks  to  ob- 
struct its  navigation  in  future;  and  being  nearly 
straight,  the  timber  which  might  float  in  at  the  head 
would  be  apt  to  go  clear  through.  There  are  also 
many  places  above  this  where  the  river,  in  its  zigzag 
course,  forms  such  complete  peninsulas  as  to  be 
easier  to  cut  at  the  necks  than  to  remove  the  obstruc- 
tions from  the  bends,  which,  if  done,  would  also  lessen 
the  distance. 

What  the  cost  of  this  work  would  be,  I  am  unable 
to  say.  It  is  probable,  however,  that  it  would  not 
be  greater  than  is  common  to  streams  of  the  same 
length.  Finally,  I  believe  the  improvement  of  the 


Abraham  Lincoln  127 

Sangamon  River  to  be  vastly  important  and  highly 
desirable  to  the  people  of  the  county ;  and,  if  elected, 
any  measure  in  the  Legislature  having  this  for  its 
object,  which  may  appear  judicious,  will  meet  my 
approbation  and  receive  my  support. 

It  appears  that  the  practice  of  loaning  money  at 
exorbitant  rates  of  interest  has  already  been  opened 
as  a  field  for  discussion;  so  I  suppose  I  may  enter 
upon  it  without  claiming  the  honor  or  risking  the 
danger  which  may  await  its  first  explorer.  It  seems 
as  though  we  are  never  to  have  an  end  to  this  baneful 
and  corroding  system,  acting  almost  as  prejudicially 
to  the  general  interests  of  the  community  as  a  direct 
tax  of  several  thousand  dollars  annually  laid  on 
each  county  for  the  benefit  of  a  few  individuals  only, 
unless  there  be  a  law  made  fixing  the  limits  of  usury. 
A  law  for  this  purpose,  I  am  of  opinion,  may  be 
made  without  materially  injuring  any  class  of  people. 
In  cases  of  extreme  necessity,  there  could  always  be 
means  found  to  cheat  the  law;  while  in  all  other 
cases  it  would  have  its  intended  effect.  I  would 
favor  the  passage  of  a  law  on  this  subject  which 
might  not  be  very  easily  evaded.  Let  it  be  such 
that  the  labor  and  difficulty  of  evading  it  could  only 
be  justified  in  cases  of  greatest  necessity. 

Upon  the  subject  of  education,  not  presuming  to 
dictate  any  plan  or  system  respecting  it,  I  can  only 
say  that  I  view  it  as  the  most  important  subject 
which  we  as  a  people  can  be  engaged  in.  That 
every  man  may  receive  at  least  a  moderate  educa- 
tion, and  thereby  be  enabled  to  read  the  histories  of 
his  own  and  other  countries,  by  which  he  may  duly 


128  The  Writings  of 

appreciate  the  value  of  our  free  institutions,  appears 
to  be  an  object  of  vital  importance,  even  on  this 
account  alone,  to  say  nothing  of  the  advantages  and 
satisfaction  to  be  derived  from  all  being  able  to  read 
the  Scriptures,  and  other  works  both  of  a  religious 
and  moral  nature,  for  themselves. 

For  my  part,  I  desire  to  see  the  time  when  educa- 
tion— and  by  its  means,  morality,  sobriety,  enter- 
prise, and  industry — shall  become  much  more 
general  than  at  present,  and  should  be  gratified  to 
have  it  in  my  power  to  contribute  something  to  the 
advancement  of  any  measure  which  might  have  a 
tendency  to  accelerate  that  happy  period. 

With  regard  to  existing  laws,  some  alterations  are 
thought  to  be  necessary.  Many  respectable  men 
have  suggested  that  our  estray  laws,  the  law  respect- 
ing the  issuing  of  executions,  the  road  law,  and  some 
others,  are  deficient  in  their  present  form,  and  re- 
quire alterations.  But,  considering  the  great  prob- 
ability that  the  framers  of  those  laws  were  wiser 
than  myself,  I  should  prefer  not  meddling  with  them, 
unless  they  were  first  attacked  by  others;  in  which 
case  I  should  feel  it  both  a  privilege  and  a  duty  to 
take  that  stand  which,  in  my  view,  might  tend  most 
to  the  advancement  of  justice. 

But,  fellow-citizens,  I  shall  conclude.  Consider- 
ing the  great  degree  of  modesty  which  should  always 
attend  youth,  it  is  probable  I  have  already  been 
more  presuming  than  becomes  me.  However,  upon 
the  subjects  of  which  I  have  treated,  I  have  spoken 
as  I  have  thought.  I  may  be  wrong  in  regard  to  any 
or  all  of  them ;  but,  holding  it  a  sound  maxim  that  it 


Abraham  Lincoln  129 

is  better  only  sometimes  to  be  right  than  at  all  times 
to  be  wrong,  so  soon  as  I  discover  my  opinions  to  be 
erroneous,  I  shall  be  ready  to  renounce  them. 
/  Every  man  is  said  to  have  his  peculiar  ambition. 
Whether  it  be  true  or  not,  I  can  say,  for  one,  that  I 
have  no  other  so  great  as  that  of  being  truly  esteemed 
of  my  fellow-men,  by  rendering  myself  worthy  of 
their  esteem.  I  How  far  I  shall  succeed  in  gratifying 
this  ambition  is  yet  to  be  developed.  I  am  young, 
and  unknown  to  many  of  you.  I  was  born,  and  have 
ever  remained,  in  the  most  humble  walks  of  life.  I 
have  no  wealthy  or  popular  relations  or  friends  to 
recommend  me.  My  case  is  thrown  exclusively  upon 
the  independent  voters  of  the  county ;  and,  if  elected, 
they  will  have  conferred  a  favor  upon  me  for  which 
I  shall  be  unremitting  in  my  labors  to  compensate. 
But,  if  the  good  people  in  their  wisdom  shall  see  fit  to 
keep  me  in  the  background,  I  have  been  too  familiar 
with  disappointments  to  be  very  much  chagrined. 
Your  friend  and  fellow-citizen, 

A.  LINCOLN. 

NEW  SALEM,  March  9,  1832. 


TO   E.    C.    BLANKENSHIP. 

NEW  SALEM,  Aug.  10,  1833. 

E.  C.  BLANKENSHIP. 

DEAR  SIR: — In  regard  to  the  time  David  Rankin 
served  the  enclosed  discharge  shows  correctly — as 
well  as  I  can  recollect — having  no  writing  to  refer. 
The  transfer  of  Rankin  from  my  company  occurred 
as  follows :  Rankin  having  lost  his  horse  at  Dixon's 

VOL.  I. — 0. 


130  The  Writings  of 

ferry  and  having  acquaintance  in  one  of  the  foot 
companies  who  were  going  down  the  river  was  de- 
sirous to  go  with  them,  and  one  Galishen  being  an 
acquaintance  of  mine  and  belonging  to  the  company 
in  which  Rankin  wished  to  go  wished  to  leave  it  and 
join  mine,  this  being  the  case  it  was  agreed  that  they 
should  exchange  places  and  answer  to  each  other's 
names — as  it  was  expected  we  all  would  be  dis- 
charged in  very  few  days.  As  to  a  blanket — I  have 
no  knowledge  of  Rankin  ever  getting  any.  The 
above  embraces  all  the  facts  now  in  my  recollection 
which  are  pertinent  to  the  case. 

I  shall  take  pleasure  in  giving  any  further  informa- 
tion in  my  power  should  you  call  on  me. 

Your  friend, 
A.  LINCOLN. 

(Original  owned  by  DeWitt  C.  Sprague,  Washing- 
ton, D.  C.) 


TO  MR.  SPEARS. 

MR.  SPEARS: 

At  your  request  I  send  you  a  receipt  for  the  postage 
on  your  paper.  I  am  somewhat  surprised  at  your 
request.  I  will,  however,  comply  with  it.  The  law 
requires  newspaper  postage  to  be  paid  in  advance, 
and  now  that  I  have  waited  a  full  year  you  choose  to 
wound  my  feelings  by  insinuating  that  unless  you 
get  a  receipt  I  will  probably  make  you  pay  it  again. 

Respectfully, 
A.  LINCOLN. 


Abraham  Lincoln  13 1 

ANNOUNCEMENT   OF    POLITICAL   VIEWS. 

NEW  SALEM,  June  13,  1836. 

To  THE  EDITOR  OP  THE  "JOURNAL": — In  your 
paper  of  last  Saturday  I  see  a  communication,  over 
the  signature  of  "Many  Voters,"  in  which  the  candi- 
dates who  are  announced  in  the  Journal  are  called 
upon  to  "show  their  hands."  Agreed.  Here's 
mine. 

I  go  for  all  sharing  the  privileges  of  the  govern- 
ment who  assist  in  bearing  its  burdens.  Conse- 
quently, I  go  for  admitting  all  whites  to  the  right  of 
suffrage  who  pay  taxes  or  bear  arms  (by  no  means 
excluding  females). 

If  elected,  I  shall  consider  the  whole  people  of 
Sangamon  my  constituents,  as  well  those  that  oppose 
as  those  that  support  me. 

While  acting  as  their  representative,  I  shall  be 
governed  by  their  will  on  all  subjects  upon  which  I 
have  the  means  of  knowing  what  their  will  is;  and 
upon  all  others  I  shall  do  what  my  own  judgment 
teaches  me  will  best  advance  their  interests.  Whether 
elected  or  not,  I  go  for  distributing  the  proceeds  of 
the  sales  of  the  public  lands  to  the  several  States, 
to  enable  our  State,  in  common  with  others,  to  dig 
canals  and  construct  railroads  without  borrowing 
money  and  paying  the  interest  on  it. 

If  alive  on  the  first  Monday  in  November,  I  shall 
vote  for  Hugh  L.  White  for  President. 

Very  respectfully, 

A.  LINCOLN. 


132  The  Writings  of 

TO   ROBERT    ALLEN. 

NEW  SALEM,  June  21,  1836. 

DEAR  COLONEL  : — I  am  told  that  during  my  absence 
last  week  you  passed  through  this  place,  and  stated 
publicly  that  you  were  in  possession  of  a  fact  or  facts 
which,  if  known  to  the  public,  would  entirely  destroy 
the  prospects  of  N.  W.  Edwards  and  myself  at  the 
ensuing  election ;  but  that,  through  favor  to  us,  you 
should  forbear  to  divulge  them.  No  one  has  needed 
favors  more  than  I,  and,  generally,  few  have  been 
less  unwilling  to  accept  them ;  but  in  this  case  favor 
to  me  would  be  injustice  to  the  public,  and  therefore 
I  must  beg  your  pardon  for  declining  it.  That  I 
once  had  the  confidence  of  the  people  of  Sangamon,  is 
sufficiently  evident;  and  if  I  have  since  done  any- 
thing, either  by  design  or  misadventure,  which  if 
known  would  subject  me  to  a  forfeiture  of  that  con- 
fidence, he  that  knows  of  that  thing,  and  conceals  it, 
is  a  traitor  to  his  country's  interest. 

I  find  myself  wholly  unable  to  form  any  conjecture 
of  what  fact  or  facts,  real  or  supposed,  you  spoke; 
but  my  opinion  of  your  veracity  will  not  permit  me 
for  a  moment  to  doubt  that  you  at  least  believed 
what  you  said.  I  am  flattered  with  the  personal 
regard  you  manifested  for  me;  but  I  do  hope  that, 
on  more  mature  reflection,  you  will  view  the  public 
interest  as  a  paramount  consideration,  and  there- 
fore determine  to  let  the  worst  come.  I  here  assure 
you  that  the  candid  statement  of  facts  on  your  part, 
however  low  it  may  sink  me,  shall  never  break  the 
tie  of  personal  friendship  between  us.  I  wish  an 


Abraham  Lincoln  133 

answer  to  this,  and  you  are  at  liberty  to  publish  both, 
if  you  choose. 

Very  respectfully, 
COL.  ROBERT  ALLEN.  A.  LINCOLN. 


TO   MISS    MARY    OWENS. 

VANDALIA,  December  13,  1836. 

MARY: — I  have  been  sick  ever  since  my  arrival, 
or  I  should  have  written  sooner.  It  is  but  little 
difference,  however,  as  I  have  very  little  even  yet  to 
write.  And  more,  the  longer  I  can  avoid  the  morti- 
fication of  looking  in  the  post-office  for  your  letter 
and  not  finding  it,  the  better.  You  see  I  am  mad 
about  that  old  letter  yet.  I  don't  like  very  well  to 
risk  you  again.  I  '11  try  you  once  more,  anyhow. 

The  new  State  House  is  not  yet  finished,  and  con- 
sequently the  Legislature  is  doing  little  or  nothing. 
The  governor  delivered  an  inflammatory  political 
message,  and  it  is  expected  there  will  be  some  spar- 
ring between  the  parties  about  it  as  soon  as  the  two 
Houses  get  to  business.  Taylor  delivered  up  his 
petition  for  the  new  county  to  one  of  our  members 
this  morning.  I  am  told  he  despairs  of  its  success, 
on  account  of  all  the  members  from  Morgan  County 
opposing  it.  There  are  names  enough  on  the 
petition,  I  think,  to  justify  the  members  from  our 
county  in  going  for  it;  but  if  the  members  from 
Morgan  oppose  it,  which  they  say  they  will,  the 
chance  will  be  bad. 

Our  chance  to  take  the  seat  of  government  to 


134  The  Writings  of 

Springfield  is  better  than  I  expected.  An  internal- 
improvement  convention  was  held  here  since  we 
met,  which  recommended  a  loan  of  several  millions 
of  dollars,  on  the  faith  of  the  State,  to  construct  rail- 
roads. Some  of  the  Legislature  are  for  it,  and  some 
against  it;  which  has  the  majority  I  cannot  tell. 
There  is  great  strife  and  struggling  for  the  office  of 
the  United  States  Senator  here  at  this  time.  It  is 
probable  we  shall  ease  their  pains  in  a  few  days. 
The  opposition  men  have  no  candidate  of  their  own, 
and  consequently  they  will  smile  as  complacently  at 
the  angry  snarl  of  the  contending  Van  Buren  candi- 
dates and  their  respective  friends  as  the  Christian 
does  at  Satan's  rage.  You  recollect  that  I  mentioned 
at  the  outset  of  this  letter  that  I  had  been  unwell. 
That  is  the  fact,  though  I  believe  I  am  about  well 
now;  but  that,  with  other  things  I  cannot  account 
for,  have  conspired,  and  have  gotten  my  spirits  so 
low  that  I  feel  that  I  would  rather  be  any  place  in 
the  world  than  here.  I  really  cannot  endure  the 
thought  of  staying  here  ten  weeks.  Write  back  as 
soon  as  you  get  this,  and,  if  possible,  say  something 
that  will  please  me,  for  really  I  have  not  been  pleased 
since  I  left  you.  This  letter  is  so  dry  and  stupid 
that  I  am  ashamed  to  send  it,  but  with  my  present 
feelings  I  cannot  do  any  better. 

Give  my  best  respects  to  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Able  and 
family. 

Your  friend, 
LINCOLN. 


Abraham  Lincoln  135 

SPEECH    IN    ILLINOIS    LEGISLATURE. 

January  [?],  1837. 

MR.  CHAIRMAN: — Lest  I  should  fall  into  the  too 
common  error  of  being  mistaken  in  regard  to  which 
side  I  design  to  be  upon,  I  shall  make  it  my  first  care 
to  remove  all  doubt  on  that  point,  by  declaring  that 
I  am  opposed  to  the  resolution  under  consideration, 
in  toto.  Before  I  proceed  to  the  body  of  the  subject, 
I  will  further  remark,  that  it  is  not  without  a  con- 
siderable degree  of  apprehension  that  I  venture  to 
cross  the  track  of  the  gentleman  from  Coles  [Mr. 
Linder].  Indeed,  I  do  not  believe  I  could  muster 
a  sufficiency  of  courage  to  come  in  contact  with  that 
gentleman,  were  it  not  for  the  fact  that  he,  some 
days  since,  most  graciously  condescended  to  assure 
us  that  he  would  never  be  found  wasting  ammunition 
on  small  game.  On  the  same  fortunate  occasion,  he 
further  gave  us  to  understand,  that  he  regarded 
himself  as  being  decidedly  the  superior  of  our  common 
friend  from  Randolph  [Mr.  Shields] ;  and  feeling,  as 
I  really  do,  that  I,  to  say  the  most  of  myself,  am 
nothing  more  than  the  peer  of  our  friend  from 
Randolph,  I  shall  regard  the  gentleman  from  Coles 
as  decidedly  my  superior  also,  and  consequently,  in 
the  course  of  what  I  shall  have  to  say,  whenever  I 
shall  have  occasion  to  allude  to  that  gentleman,  I 
shall  endeavor  to  adopt  that  kind  of  court  language 
which  I  understand  to  be  due  to  decided  superiority. 
In  one  faculty,  at  least,  there  can  be  no  dispute  of  the 
gentleman's  superiority  over  me  and  most  other  men, 
and  that  is,  the  faculty  of  entangling  a  subject,  so 


136  The  Writings  of 

that  neither  himself,  or  any  other  man,  can  find  head 
or  tail  to  it.  Here  he  has  introduced  a  resolution, 
embracing  ninety-nine  printed  lines  across  common 
writing  paper,  and  yet  more  than  one  half  of  his 
opening  speech  has  been  made  upon  subjects  about 
which  there  is  not  one  word  said  in  his  resolution. 

Though  his  resolution  embraces  nothing  in  regard 
to  the  constitutionality  of  the  Bank,  much  of  what 
he  has  said  has  been  with  a  view  to  make  the  im- 
pression that  it  was  unconstitutional  in  its  inception. 
Now,  although  I  am  satisfied  that  an  ample  field 
may  be  found  within  the  pale  of  the  resolution,  at 
least  for  small  game,  yet,  as  the  gentleman  has 
travelled  out  of  it,  I  feel  that  I  may,  with  all  due 
humility,  venture  to  follow  him.  The  gentleman  has 
discovered  that  some  gentleman  at  Washington  city 
has  been  upon  the  very  eve  of  deciding  our  Bank 
unconstitutional,  and  that  he  would  probably  have 
completed  his  very  authentic  decision,  had  not  some 
one  of  the  Bank  officers  placed  his  hand  upon  his 
mouth,  and  begged  him  to  withhold  it.  The  fact 
that  the  individuals  composing  our  Supreme  Court 
have,  in  an  official  capacity,  decided  in  favor  of  the 
constitutionality  of  the  Bank,  would,  in  my  mind, 
seem  a  sufficient  answer  to  this.  It  is  a  fact  known 
to  all,  that  the  members  of  the  Supreme  Court, 
together  with  the  Governor,  form  a  Council  of  Re- 
vision, and  that  this  Council  approved  this  Bank 
charter.  I  ask,  then,  if  the  extra-judicial  decision — 
not  quite  but  almost  made  by  the  gentleman  at 
Washington,  before  whom,  by  the  way,  the  question 
of  the  constitutionality  of  our  Bank  never  has,  nor 


Abraham  Lincoln  137 

never  can  come — is  to  be  taken  as  paramount  to  a 
decision  officially  made  by  that  tribunal,  by  which, 
and  which  alone,  the  constitutionality  of  the  Bank 
can  ever  be  settled?  But,  aside  from  this  view  of 
the  subject,  I  would  ask,  if  the  committee  which  this 
resolution  proposes  to  appoint  are  to  examine  into 
the  constitutionality  of  the  Bank  ?  Are  they  to  be 
clothed  with  power  to  send  for  persons  and  papers, 
for  this  object  ?  And  after  they  have  found  the  bank 
to  be  unconstitutional,  and  decided  it  so,  how  are 
they  to  enforce  their  decision?  What  will  their 
decision  amount  to?  They  cannot  compel  the  Bank 
to  cease  operations,  or  to  change  the  course  of  its 
operations.  What  good,  then,  can  their  labors  result 
in  ?  Certainly  none. 

The  gentleman  asks,  if  we,  without  an  examina- 
tion, shall,  by  giving  the  State  deposits  to  the  Bank, 
and  by  taking  the  stock  reserved  for  the  State, 
legalize  its  former  misconduct.  Now  I  do  not  pre- 
tend to  possess  sufficient  legal  knowledge  to  decide 
whether  a  legislative  enactment  proposing  to,  and 
accepting  from,  the  Bank,  certain  terms,  would 
have  the  effect  to  legalize  or  wipe  out  its  former 
errors,  or  not ;  but  I  can  assure  the  gentleman,  if  such 
should  be  the  effect,  he  has  already  got  behind  the 
settlement  of  accounts;  for  it  is  well  known  to  all, 
that  the  Legislature,  at  its  last  session,  passed  a 
supplemental  Bank  charter,  which  the  Bank  has 
since  accepted,  and  which,  according  to  his  doctrine, 
has  legalized  all  the  alleged  violations  of  its  original 
charter  in  the  distribution  of  its  stock. 

I  now  proceed  to  the  resolution.     By  examination 


138  The  Writings  of 

it  will  be  found  that  the  first  thirty-three  lines, 
being  precisely  one  third  of  the  whole,  relate  exclu- 
sively to  the  distribution  of  the  stock  by  the  com- 
missioners appointed  by  the  State.  Now,  Sir,  it  is 
clear  that  no  question  can  arise  on  this  portion  of  the 
resolution,  except  a  question  between  capitalists  in 
regard  to  the  ownership  of  stock.  Some  gentlemen 
have  their  stock  in  their  hands,  while  others,  who  have 
more  money  than  they  know  what  to  do  with,  want 
it ;  and  this,  and  this  alone,  is  the  question,  to  settle 
which  we  are  called  on  to  squander  thousands  of  the 
people's  money.  What  interest,  let  me  ask,  have 
the  people  in  the  settlement  of  this  question? 
What  difference  is  it  to  them  whether  the  stock  is 
owned  by  Judge  Smith  or  Sam  Wiggins?  If  any 
gentleman  be  entitled  to  stock  in  the  Bank,  which 
he  is  kept  out  of  possession  of  by  others,  let  him 
assert  his  right  in  the  Supreme  Court,  and  let  him 
or  his  antagonist,  whichever  may  be  found  in  the 
wrong,  pay  the  costs  of  suit.  It  is  an  old  maxim, 
and  a  very  sound  one,  that  he  that  dances  should 
always  pay  the  fiddler.  Now,  Sir,  in  the  present 
case,  if  any  gentlemen,  whose  money  is  a  burden  to 
them,  choose  to  lead  off  a  dance,  I  am  decidedly  op- 
posed to  the  people's  money  being  used  to  pay  the 
fiddler.  No  one  can  doubt  that  the  examination 
proposed  by  this  resolution  must  cost  the  State 
some  ten  or  twelve  thousand  dollars ;  and  all  this  to 
settle  a  question  in  which  the  people  have  no  interest, 
and  about  which  they  care  nothing.  These  capital- 
ists generally  act  harmoniously  and  in  concert,  to 
fleece  the  people,  and  now  that  they  have  got  into  a 


Abraham  Lincoln  139 

quarrel  with  themselves  we  are  called  upon  to  ap- 
propriate the  people's  money  to  settle  the  quarrel. 

I  leave  this  part  of  the  resolution  and  proceed  to 
the  remainder.  It  will  be  found  that  no  charge  in 
the  remaining  part  of  the  resolution,  if  true,  amounts 
to  the  violation  of  the  Bank  charter,  except  one, 
which  I  will  notice  in  due  time.  It  might  seem  quite 
sufficient  to  say  no  more  upon  any  of  these  charges 
or  insinuations  than  enough  to  show  they  are  not 
violations  of  the  charter;  yet,  as  they  are  ingen- 
iously framed  and  handled,  with  a  view  to  deceive 
and  mislead,  I  will  notice  in  their  order  all  the  most 
prominent  of  them.  The  first  of  these  is  in  relation 
to  a  connection  between  our  Bank  and  several  bank- 
ing institutions  in  other  States.  Admitting  this  con- 
nection to  exist,  I  should  like  to  see  the  gentleman 
from  Coles,  or  any  other  gentleman,  undertake  to 
show  that  there  is  any  harm  in  it.  What  can  there 
be  in  such  a  connection,  that  the  people  of  Illinois 
are  willing  to  pay  their  money  to  get  a  peep  into? 
By  a  reference  to  the  tenth  section  of  the  Bank 
charter,  any  gentleman  can  see  that  the  framers  of 
the  act  contemplated  the  holding  of  stock  in  the 
institutions  of  other  corporations.  Why,  then,  is  it, 
when  neither  law  nor  justice  forbids  it,  that  we  are 
asked  to  spend  our  time  and  money  in  inquiring  into 
its  truth? 

The  next  charge,  in  the  order  of  time,  is,  that  some 
officer,  director,  clerk  or  servant  of  the  Bank,  has 
been  required  to  take  an  oath  of  secrecy  in  relation  to 
the  affairs  of  said  Bank.  Now,  I  do  not  know 
whether  this  be  true  or  false — neither  do  I  believe 


140  The  Writings  of 

any  honest  man  cares.  I  know  that  the  seventh 
section  of  the  charter  expressly  guarantees  to  the 
Bank  the  right  of  making,  under  certain  restrictions, 
such  by-laws  as  it  may  think  fit ;  and  I  further  know 
that  the  requiring  an  oath  of  secrecy  would  not 
transcend  those  restrictions.  What,  then,  if  the 
Bank  has  chosen  to  exercise  this  right  ?  Whom  can  it 
injure?  Does  not  every  merchant  have  his  secret 
mark  ?  and  who  is  ever  silly  enough  to  complain  of  it  ? 
I  presume  if  the  Bank  does  require  any  such  oath  of 
secrecy,  it  is  done  through  a  motive  of  delicacy  to 
those  individuals  who  deal  with  it.  Why,  Sir,  not 
many  days  since,  one  gentleman  upon  this  floor, 
who,  by  the  way,  I  have  no  doubt  is  now  ready  to 
join  this  hue  and  cry  against  the  Bank,  indulged  in  a 
philippic  against  one  of  the  Bank  officials,  because, 
as  he  said,  he  had  divulged  a  secret. 

Immediately  following  this  last  charge,  there  are 
several  insinuations  in  the  resolution,  which  are  too 
silly  to  require  any  sort  of  notice,  were  it  not  for 
the  fact  that  they  conclude  by  saying,  ' '  to  the  great 
injury  of  the  people  at  large."  In  answer  to  this  I 
would  say  that  it  is  strange  enough,  that  the  peo- 
ple are  suffering  these  "great  injuries,"  and  yet  are 
not  sensible  of  it!  Singular  indeed  that  the  people 
should  be  writhing  under  oppression  and  injury,  and 
yet  not  one  among  them  to  be  found  to  raise  the 
voice  of  complaint.  If  the  Bank  be  inflicting  injury 
upon  the  people,  why  is  it  that  not  a  single  petition 
is  presented  to  this  body  on  the  subject?  If  the 
Bank  really  be  a  grievance,  why  is  it  that  no  one  of 
the  real  people  is  found  to  ask  redress  of  it?  The 


Abraham  Lincoln  141 

truth  is,  no  such  oppression  exists.  If  it  did,  our 
people  would  groan  with  memorials  and  petitions, 
and  we  would  not  be  permitted  to  rest  day  or  night, 
till  we  had  put  it  down.  The  people  know  their 
rights,  and  they  are  never  slow  to  assert  and  main- 
tain them,  when  they  are  invaded.  Let  them  call 
for  an  investigation,  and  I  shall  ever  stand  ready  to 
respond  to  the  call.  But  they  have  made  no  such 
call.  I  make  the  assertion  boldly,  and  without  fear 
of  contradiction,  that  no  man,  who  does  not  hold  an 
office,  or  does  not  aspire  to  one,  has  ever  found  any 
fault  of  the  Bank.  It  has  doubled  the  prices  of  the 
products  of  their  farms,  and  filled  their  pockets  with 
a  sound  circulating  medium,  and  they  are  all  well 
pleased  with  its  operations.  No,  Sir,  it  is  the  poli- 
tician who  is  the  first  to  sound  the  alarm  (which,  by 
the  way,  is  a  false  one.)  It  is  he,  who,  by  these 
unholy  means,  is  endeavoring  to  blow  up  a  storm  that 
he  may  ride  upon  and  direct.  It  is  he,  and  he  alone, 
that  here  proposes  to  spend  thousands  of  the  people's 
public  treasure,  for  no  other  advantage  to  them 
than  to  make  valueless  in  their  pockets  the  reward 
of  their  industry.  Mr.  Chairman,  this  work  is  ex- 
clusively the  work  of  politicians;  a  set  of  men 
who  have  interests  aside  from  the  interests  of  the 
people,  and  who,  to  say  the  most  of  them,  are,  taken 
as  a  mass,  at  least  one  long  step  removed  from 
honest  men.  I  say  this  with  the  greater  freedom, 
because,  being  a  politician  myself,  none  can  regard 
it  as  personal. 

Again,  it  is  charged,  or  rather  insinuated,  that 
officers  of  the  Bank  have  loaned  money  at  usurious 


142  The  Writings  of 

rates  of  interest.  Suppose  this  to  be  true,  are  we  to 
send  a  committee  of  this  House  to  inquire  into  it? 
Suppose  the  committee  should  find  it  true,  can  they 
redress  the  injured  individuals?  Assuredly  not. 
If  any  individual  had  been  injured  in  this  way,  is 
there  not  an  ample  remedy  to  be  found  in  the  laws 
of  the  land  ?  Does  the  gentleman  from  Coles  know 
that  there  is  a  statute  standing  in  full  force  making 
it  highly  penal  for  an  individual  to  loan  money  at  a 
higher  rate  of  interest  than  twelve  per  cent?  If  he 
does  not  he  is  too  ignorant  to  be  placed  at  the  head 
of  the  committee  which  his  resolution  purposes  ; 
and  if  he  does,  his  neglect  to  mention  it  shows  him 
to  be  too  uncandid  to  merit  the  respect  or  con- 
fidence of  any  one. 

But  besides  all  this,  if  the  Bank  were  struck  from 
existence,  could  not  the  owners  of  the  capital  still 
loan  it  usuriously,  as  well  as  now?  Whatever  the 
Bank,  or  its  officers,  may  have  done,  I  know  that 
usurious  transactions  were  much  more  frequent  and 
enormous  before  the  commencement  of  its  opera- 
tions than  they  have  ever  been  since. 

The  next  insinuation  is,  that  the  Bank  has  refused 
specie  payments.  This,  if  true  is  a  violation  of  the 
charter.  But  there  is  not  the  least  probability  of 
its  truth ;  because,  if  such  had  been  the  fact,  the 
individual  to  whom  payment  was  refused  would 
have  had  an  interest  in  making  it  public,  by  suing 
for  the  damages  to  which  the  charter  entitles  him. 
Yet  no  such  thing  has  been  done;  and  the  strong 
presumption  is,  that  the  insinuation  is  false  and 
groundless. 


Abraham  Lincoln  143 

From  this  to  the  end  of  the  resolution,  there  is 
nothing  that  merits  attention — I  therefore  drop  the 
particular  examination  of  it. 

By  a  general  view  of  the  resolution,  it  will  be  seen 
that  a  principal  object  of  the  committee  is  to  ex- 
amine into,  and  ferret  out,  a  mass  of  corruption  sup- 
posed to  have  been  committed  by  the  commissioners 
who  apportioned  the  stock  of  the  Bank.  I  believe 
it  is  universally  understood  and  acknowledged  that 
all  men  will  ever  act  correctly  unless  they  have  a 
motive  to  do  otherwise.  If  this  be  true,  we  can  only 
suppose  that  the  commissioners  acted  corruptly  by 
also  supposing  that  they  were  bribed  to  do  so. 
Taking  this  view  of  the  subject,  I  would  ask  if  the 
Bank  is  likely  to  find  it  more  difficult  to  bribe  the 
committee  of  seven,  which  we  are  about  to  appoint, 
than  it  may  have  found  it  to  bribe  the  commis- 
sioners ? 

(Here  Mr.  Linder  called  to  order.  The  Chair 
decided  that  Mr.  Lincoln  was  not  out  of  order.  Mr. 
Linder  appealed  to  the  House,  but,  before  the  ques- 
tion was  put,  withdrew  his  appeal,  saying  he  pre- 
ferred to  let  the  gentleman  go  on;  he  thought  he 
would  break  his  own  neck.  Mr.  Lincoln  proceeded :) 

Another  gracious  condescension!  I  acknowledge  it 
with  gratitude.  I  know  I  was  not  out  of  order ;  and 
I  know  every  sensible  man  in  the  House  knows  it.  I 
was  not  saying  that  the  gentleman  from  Coles  could 
be  bribed,  nor,  on  the  other  hand,  will  I  say  he  could 
not.  In  that  particular  I  leave  him  where  I  found 
him.  I  was  only  endeavoring  to  show  that  there 
was  at  least  as  great  a  probability  of  any  seven 


144  The  Writings  of 

members  that  could  be  selected  from  this  House 
being  bribed  to  act  corruptly,  as  there  was  that  the 
twenty-four  commissioners  had  been  so  bribed. 
By  a  reference  to  the  ninth  section  of  the  Bank 
charter,  it  will  be  seen  that  those  commissioners  were 
John  Tilson,  Robert  K.  McLaughlin,  Daniel  Wann, 
A.  G.  S.  Wight,  John  C.  Riley,  W.  H.  Davidson, 
Edward  M.  Wilson,  Edward  L.  Pierson,  Robert  R. 
Green,  Ezra  Baker,  Aquilla  Wren,  John  Taylor, 
Samuel  C.  Christy,  Edmund  Roberts,  Benjamin 
Godfrey,  Thomas  Mather,  A.  M.  Jenkins,  W.  Linn, 
W.  S.  Gilman,  Charles  Prentice,  Richard  I.  Hamilton, 
A.  H.  Buckner,  W.  F.  Thornton,  and  Edmund  D. 
Taylor. 

These  are  twenty-four  of  the  most  respectable 
men  in  the  State.  Probably  no  twenty-four  men 
could  be  selected  in  the  State  with  whom  the  peo- 
ple are  better  acquainted,  or  in  whose  honor  and 
integrity  they  would  more  readily  place  confidence. 
And  I  now  repeat,  that  there  is  less  probability  that 
those  men  have  been  bribed  and  corrupted,  than  that 
any  seven  men,  or  rather  any  six  men,  that  could  be 
selected  from  the  members  of  this  House,  might  be  so 
bribed  and  corrupted,  even  though  they  were  headed 
and  led  on  by  "decided  superiority"  himself. 

In  all  seriousness,  I  ask  every  reasonable  man,  if 
an  issue  be  joined  by  these  twenty-four  commis- 
sioners, on  the  one  part,  and  any  other  seven  men, 
on  the  other  part,  and  the  whole  depend  upon  the 
honor  and  integrity  of  the  contending  parties,  to 
which  party  would  the  greatest  degree  of  credit  be 
due?  Again:  'Another  consideration  is,  that  we 


Abraham  Lincoln  H5 

have  no  right  to  make  the  examination.  What  I 
shall  say  upon  this  head  I  design  exclusively  for 
the  law-loving  and  law-abiding  part  of  the  House. 
To  those  who  claim  omnipotence  for  the  Legislature, 
and  who  in  the  plenitude  of  their  assumed  powers 
are  disposed  to  disregard  the  Constitution,  law,  good 
faith,  moral  right,  and  everything  else,  I  have  not  a 
word  to  say.  But  to  the  law-abiding  part  I  say, 
examine  the  Bank  charter,  go  examine  the  Constitu- 
tion, go  examine  the  acts  that  the  General  Assembly 
of  this  State  has  passed,  and  you  will  find  just  as 
much  authority  given  in  each  and  every  of  them  to 
compel  the  Bank  to  bring  its  coffers  to  this  hall  and 
to  pour  their  contents  upon  this  floor,  as  to  compel  it 
to  submit  to  this  examination  which  this  resolution 
proposes.  Why,  Sir,  the  gentleman  from  Coles,  the 
mover  of  this  resolution,  very  lately  denied  on  this 
floor  that  the  Legislature  had  any  right  to  repeal  or 
otherwise  meddle  with  its  own  acts,  when  those  acts 
were  made  in  the  nature  of  contracts,  and  had  been 
accepted  and  acted  on  by  other  parties.  Now  I  ask 
if  this  resolution  does  not  propose,  for  this  House 
alone,  to  do  what  he,  but  the  other  day,  denied  the 
right  of  the  whole  Legislature  to  do  ?  He  must  either 
abandon  the  position  he  then  took,  or  he  must  now 
vote  against  his  own  resolution.  It  is  no  difference 
to  me,  and  I  presume  but  little  to  any  one  else,  which 
he  does. 

I  am  by  no  means  the  special  advocate  of  the  Bank. 
I  have  long  thought  that  it  would  be  well  for  it  to 
report  its  condition  to  the  General  Assembly,  and 
that  cases  might  occur,  when  it  might  be  proper  to 


VOL.1. 10. 


146  The  Writings  of 

make  an  examination  of  its  affairs  by  a  committee. 
Accordingly,  during  the  last  session,  while  a  bill 
supplemental  to  the  Bank  charter  was  pending  be- 
fore the  House,  I  offered  an  amendment  to  the  same, 
in  these  words:  "The  said  corporation  shall,  at  the 
next  session  of  the  General  Assembly,  and  at  each 
subsequent  General  Session,  during  the  existence  of 
its  charter,  report  to  the  same  the  amount  of  debts 
due  from  said  corporation ;  the  amount  of  debts  due 
to  the  same ;  the  amount  of  specie  in  its  vaults,  and 
an  account  of  all  lands  then  owned  by  the  same, 
and  the  amount  for  which  such  lands  have  been  taken ; 
and  moreover,  if  said  corporation  shall  at  any  time 
neglect  or  refuse  to  submit  its  books,  papers,  and  all 
and  everything  necessary  for  a  full  and  fair  exami- 
nation of  its  affairs,  to  any  person  or  persons  ap- 
pointed by  the  General  Assembly,  for  the  purpose  of 
making  such  examination,  the  said  corporation  shall 
forfeit  its  charter." 

This  amendment  was  negatived  by  a  vote  of  34  to 
15.  Eleven  of  the  34  who  voted  against  it  are  now 
members  of  this  House ;  and  though  it  would  be  out 
of  order  to  call  their  names,  I  hope  they  will  all 
recollect  themselves,  and  not  vote  for  this  examina- 
tion to  be  made  without  authority,  inasmuch  as 
they  refused  to  receive  the  authority  when  it  was  in 
their  power  to  do  so. 

I  have  said  that  cases  might  occur,  when  an 
examination  might  be  proper;  but  I  do  not  believe 
any  such  case  has  now  occurred;  and  if  it  has,  I 
should  still  be  opposed  to  making  an  examination 
without  legal  authority.  I  am  opposed  to  encourag- 


Abraham  Lincoln  H7 

ing  that  lawless  and  mobocratic  spirit,  whether  in 
relation  to  the  Bank  or  anything  else,  which  is 
already  abroad  in  the  land  and  is  spreading  with 
rapid  and  fearful  impetuosity,  to  the  ultimate  over- 
throw of  every  institution,  of  every  moral  principle, 
in  which  persons  and  property  have  hitherto  found 
security. 

But  supposing  we  had  the  authority,  I  would  ask 
what  good  can  result  from  the  examination?  Can 
we  declare  the  Bank  unconstitutional,  and  compel 
it  to  desist  from  the  abuses  of  its  power,  provided  we 
find  such  abuses  to  exist  ?  Can  we  repair  the  injuries 
which  it  may  have  done  to  individuals?  Most 
certainly  we  can  do  none  of  these  things.  Why  then 
shall  we  spend  the  public  money  in  such  employment  ? 
Oh,  say  the  examiners,  we  can  injure  the  credit  of  the 
Bank,  if  nothing  else.  Please  tell  me,  gentlemen, 
who  will  suffer  most  by  that?  You  cannot  injure, 
to  any  extent,  the  stockholders.  They  are  men  of 
wealth — of  large  capital;  and  consequently,  beyond 
the  power  of  malice.  But  by  injuring  the  credit  of 
the  Bank,  you  will  depreciate  the  value  of  its  paper 
in  the  hands  of  the  honest  and  unsuspecting  farmer 
and  mechanic,  and  that  is  all  you  can  do.  But  sup- 
pose you  could  effect  your  whole  purpose ;  suppose 
you  could  wipe  the  Bank  from  existence,  which  is  the 
grand  ultimatum  of  the  project,  what  would  be  the 
consequence?  Why,  Sir,  we  should  spend  several 
thousand  dollars  of  the  public  treasure  in  the  opera- 
tion, annihilate  the  currency  of  the  State,  render 
valueless  in  the  hands  of  our  people  that  reward  of 
their  former  labors,  and  finally  be  once  more  under 


148  The  Writings  of 

the  comfortable  obligation  of  paying  the  Wiggins 
loan,  principal  and  interest. 


ADDRESS     BEFORE     THE     YOUNG     MEN  S     LYCEUM     OP 
SPRINGFIELD,    ILLINOIS. 

January  27,  1837. 

As  a  subject  for  the  remarks  of  the  evening, 
"The  Perpetuation  of  our  Political  Institutions"  is 
selected. 

In  the  great  journal  of  things  happening  under  the 
sun,  we,  the  American  people,  find  our  account  run- 
ning under  date  of  the  nineteenth  century  of  the 
Christian  era.  We  find  ourselves  in  the  peaceful 
possession  of  the  fairest  portion  of  the  earth  as 
regards  extent  of  territory,  fertility  of  soil,  and 
salubrity  of  climate.  We  find  ourselves  under  the 
government  of  a  system  of  political  institutions  con- 
ducing more  essentially  to  the  ends  of  civil  and  re- 
ligious liberty  than  any  of  which  the  history  of 
former  times  tells  us.  We,  when  mounting  the  stage 
of  existence,  found  ourselves  the  legal  inheritors  of 
these  fundamental  blessings.  We  toiled  not  in  the 
acquirement  or  establishment  of  them;  they  are 
a  legacy  bequeathed  us  by  a  once  hardy,  brave,  and 
patriotic,  but  now  lamented  and  departed,  race  of 
ancestors.  Theirs  was  the  task  (and  nobly  they 
performed  it)  to  possess  themselves,  and  through 
themselves  us,  of  this  goodly  land,  and  to  uprear 
upon  its  hills  and  its  valleys  a  political  edifice  of 
liberty  and  equal  rights;  't  is  ours  only  to  transmit 


Abraham  Lincoln  149 

these — the  former  unprofaned  by  the  foot  of  an 
invader,  the  latter  undecayed  by  the  lapse  of  time 
and  untorn  by  usurpation — to  the  latest  generation 
that  fate  shall  permit  the  world  to  know.  This  task 
gratitude  to  our  fathers,  justice  to  ourselves,  duty  to 
posterity,  and  love  for  our  species  in  general,  all 
imperatively  require  us  faithfully  to  perform. 

How  then  shall  we  perform  it?  At  what  point 
shall  we  expect  the  approach  of  danger?  By  what 
means  shall  we  fortify  against  it?  Shall  we  expect 
some  transatlantic  military  giant  to  step  the  ocean 
and  crush  us  at  a  blow?  Never!  All  the  armies  of 
Europe,  Asia,  and  Africa  combined,  with  all  the 
treasure  of  the  earth  (our  own  excepted)  in  their 
military  chest,  with  a  Bonaparte  for  a  commander, 
could  not  by  force  take  a  drink  from  the  Ohio  or 
make  a  track  on  the  Blue  Ridge  in  a  trial  of  a 
thousand  years. 

At  what  point  then  is  the  approach  of  danger  to  be 
expected?  I  answer,  If  it  ever  reach  us  it  must 
spring  up  amongst  us ;  it  cannot  come  from  abroad. 
If  destruction  be  our  lot  we  must  ourselves  be  its 
author  and  finisher.  As  a  nation  of  freemen  we 
must  live  through  all  time,  or  die  by  suicide. 

I  hope  I  am  over-wary;  but  if  I  am  not,  there  is 
even  now  something  of  ill  omen  amongst  us.  I 
mean  the  increasing  disregard  for  law  which  per- 
vades the  country — the  growing  disposition  to  sub- 
stitute the  wild  and  furious  passions  in  lieu  of  the 
sober  judgment  of  courts,  and  the  worse  than  savage 
mobs  for  the  executive  ministers  of  justice.  This 
disposition  is  awfully  fearful  in  any  community; 


150  The  Writings  of 

and  that  it  now  exists  in  ours,  though  grating  to  our 
feelings  to  admit,  it  would  be  a  violation  of  truth 
and  an  insult  to  our  intelligence  to  deny.  Accounts 
of  outrages  committed  by  mobs  form  the  every-day 
news  of  the  times.  They  have  pervaded  the  country 
from  New  England  to  Louisiana ;  they  are  neither 
peculiar  to  the  eternal  snows  of  the  former  nor  the 
burning  suns  of  the  latter ;  they  are  not  the  creature 
of  climate,  neither  are  they  confined  to  the  slave- 
holding  or  the  non-slaveholding  States.  Alike  they 
spring  up  among  the  pleasure-hunting  masters  of 
Southern  slaves,  and  the  order-loving  citizens  of  the 
land  of  steady  habits.  Whatever  then  their  cause 
may  be,  it  is  common  to  the  whole  country. 

It  would  be  tedious  as  well  as  useless  to  recount 
the  horrors  of  all  of  them.  Those  happening  in  the 
State  of  Mississippi  and  at  St.  Louis  are  perhaps  the 
most  dangerous  in  example  and  revolting  to  human- 
ity. In  the  Mississippi  case  they  first  commenced 
by  hanging  the  regular  gamblers — a  set  of  men 
certainly  not  following  for  a  livelihood  a  very  useful 
or  very  honest  occupation,  but  one  which,  so  far 
from  being  forbidden  by  the  laws,  was  actually 
licensed  by  an  act  of  the  Legislature  passed  but  a 
single  year  before.  Next,  negroes  suspected  of  con- 
spiring to  raise  an  insurrection  were  caught  up  and 
hanged  in  all  parts  of  the  State;  then,  white  men 
supposed  to  be  leagued  with  the  negroes;  and 
finally,  strangers  from  neighboring  States,  going 
thither  on  business,  were  in  many  instances  subjected 
to  the  same  fate.  Thus  went  on  this  process  of 
hanging,  from  gamblers  to  negroes,  from  negroes  to 


Abraham  Lincoln  15  * 

white  citizens,  and  from  these  to  strangers,  till  dead 
men  were  seen  literally  dangling  from  the  boughs  of 
trees  upon  every  roadside,  and  in  numbers  almost 
sufficient  to  rival  the  native  Spanish  moss  of  the 
country  as  a  drapery  of  the  forest. 

Turn  then  to  that  horror-striking  scene  at  St. 
Louis.  A  single  victim  only  was  sacrificed  there. 
This  story  is  very  short,  and  is  perhaps  the  most 
highly  tragic  of  anything  of  its  length  that  has  ever 
been  witnessed  in  real  life.  A  mulatto  man  by  the 
name  of  Mclntosh  was  seized  in  the  street,  dragged 
to  the  suburbs  of  the  city,  chained  to  a  tree,  and 
actually  burned  to  death;  and  all  within  a  single 
hour  from  the  time  he  had  been  a  freeman  attending 
to  his  own  business  and  at  peace  with  the  world. 

Such  are  the  effects  of  mob  law,  and  such  are  the 
scenes  becoming  more  and  more  frequent  in  this  land 
so  lately  famed  for  love  of  law  and  order,  and  the 
stories  of  which  have  even  now  grown  too  familiar 
to  attract  anything  more  than  an  idle  remark. 

But  you  are  perhaps  ready  to  ask,  "What  has  this 
to  do  with  the  perpetuation  of  our  political  institu- 
tions?" I  answer,  It  has  much  to  do  with  it.  Its 
direct  consequences  are,  comparatively  speaking, 
but  a  small  evil,  and  much  of  its  danger  consists  iii 
the  proneness  of  our  minds  to  regard  its  direct  as 
its  only  consequences.  Abstractly  considered,  the 
hanging  of  the  gamblers  at  Vicksburg  was  of  but 
little  consequence.  They  constitute  a  portion  of 
population  that  is  worse  than  useless  in  any  com- 
munity; and  their  death,  if  no  pernicious  example 
be  set  by  it,  is  never  matter  of  reasonable  regret 


152  The  Writings  of 

with,  any  one.  If  they  were  annually  swept  from 
the  stage  of  existence  by  the  plague  or  smallpox, 
honest  men  would  perhaps  be  much  profited  by  the 
operation.  Similar  too  is  the  correct  reasoning  in 
regard  to  the  burning  of  the  negro  at  St.  Louis.  He 
had  forfeited  his  life  by  the  perpetration  of  an  out- 
rageous murder  upon  one  of  the  most  worthy  and 
respectable  citizens  of  the  city,  and  had  he  not  died 
as  he  did,  he  must  have  died  by  the  sentence  of  the 
law  in  a  very  short  time  afterwards.  As  to  him 
alone,  it  was  as  well  the  way  it  was  as  it  could  other- 
wise have  been.  But  the  example  in  either  case  was 
fearful.  When  men  take  it  in  their  heads  to-day 
to  hang  gamblers  or  burn  murderers,  they  should 
recollect  that  in  the  confusion  usually  attending  such 
transactions  they  will  be  as  likely  to  hang  or  burn 
some  one  who  is  neither  a  gambler  nor  a  murderer 
as  one  who  is,  and  that,  acting  upon  the  example 
they  set,  the  mob  of  to-morrow  may,  and  probably 
will,  hang  or  burn  some  of  them  by  the  very  same 
mistake.  And  not  only  so:  the  innocent,  those  who 
have  ever  set  their  faces  against  violations  of  law  in 
every  shape,  alike  with  the  guilty  fall  victims  to  the 
ravages  of  mob  law;  and  thus  it  goes  on,  step  by 
step,  till  all  the  walls  erected  for  the  defence  of  the 
persons  and  property  of  individuals  are  trodden  down 
and  disregarded.  But  all  this,  even,  is  not  the  full 
extent  of  the  evil.  By  such  examples,  by  instances 
of  the  perpetrators  of  such  acts  going  unpunished, 
the  lawless  in  spirit  are  encouraged  to  become  lawless 
in  practice ;  and  having  been  used  to  no  restraint  but 
dread  of  punishment,  they  thus  become  absolutely 


Abraham  Lincoln  153 

unrestrained.  Having  ever  regarded  government  as 
their  deadliest  bane,  they  make  a  jubilee  of  the  sus- 
pension of  its  operations,  and  pray  for  nothing  so 
much  as  its  total  annihilation.  While,  on  the  other 
hand,  good  men,  men  who  love  tranquillity,  who  de- 
sire to  abide  by  the  laws  and  enjoy  their  benefits, 
who  would  gladly  spill  their  blood  in  the  defence  of 
their  country,  seeing  their  property  destroyed,  their 
families  insulted,  and  their  lives  endangered,  their 
persons  injured,  and  seeing  nothing  in  prospect  that 
forebodes  a  change  for  the  better,  become  tired  of 
and  disgusted  with  a  government  that  offers  them 
no  protection,  and  are  not  much  averse  to  a  change 
in  which  they  imagine  they  have  nothing  to  lose. 
Thus,  then,  by  the  operation  of  this  mobocratic 
spirit  which  all  must  admit  is  now  abroad  in  the  land, 
the  strongest  bulwark  of  any  government,  and 
particularly  of  those  constituted  like  ours,  may 
effectually  be  broken  down  and  destroyed — I  mean 
the  attachment  of  the  people.  Whenever  this  effect 
shall  be  produced  among  us;  whenever  the  vicious 
portion  of  population  shall  be  permitted  to  gather  in 
bands  of  hundreds  and  thousands,  and  burn  churches, 
ravage  and  rob  provision-stores,  throw  printing- 
presses  into  rivers,  shoot  editors,  and  hang  and  burn 
obnoxious  persons  at  pleasure  and  with  impunity, 
depend  on  it,  this  government  cannot  last.  By 
such  things  the  feelings  of  the  best  citizens  will 
become  more  or  less  alienated  from  it,  and  thus  it 
will  be  left  without  friends,  or  with  too  few,  and  those 
few  too  weak  to  make  their  friendship  effectual.  At 
such  a  time,  and  under  such  circumstances,  men  of 


154  The  Writings  of 

sufficient  talent  and  ambition  will  not  be  wanting  to 
seize  the  opportunity,  strike  the  blow,  and  overturn 
that  fair  fabric  which  for  the  last  half  century  has 
been  the  fondest  hope  of  the  lovers  of  freedom 
throughout  the  world. 

I  know  the  American  people  are  much  attached  to 
their  government ;  I  know  they  would  suffer  much 
for  its  sake;  I  know  they  would  endure  evils  long 
and  patiently  before  they  would  ever  think  of  ex- 
changing it  for  another, — yet,  notwithstanding  all 
this,  if  the  laws  be  continually  despised  and  disre- 
garded, if  their  rights  to  be  secure  in  their  persons 
and  property  are  held  by  no  better  tenure  than  the 
caprice  of  a  mob,  the  alienation  of  their  affections 
from  the  government  is  the  natural  consequence; 
and  to  that,  sooner  or  later,  it  must  come. 

Here,  then,  is  one  point  at  which  danger  may  be 
expected. 

The  question  recurs,  How  shall  we  fortify  against 
it?  The  answer  is  simple.  Let  every  American, 
every  lover  of  liberty,  every  well-wisher  to  his  pos- 
terity swear  by  the  blood  of  the  Revolution  never 
to  violate  in  the  least  particular  the  laws  of  the 
country,  and  never  to  tolerate  their  violation  by 
others.  As  the  patriots  of  seventy-six  did  to  the 
support  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  so  to 
the  support  of  the  Constitution  and  laws  let  every 
American  pledge  his  life,  his  property,  and  his  sacred 
honor.  Let  every  man  remember  that  to  violate  the 
law  is  to  trample  on  the  blood  of  his  father,  and  to 
tear  the  charter  of  his  own  and  his  children's  liberty. 
Let  reverence  for  the  laws  be  breathed  by  every 


Abraham  Lincoln  155 

American  mother  to  the  lisping  babe  that  prattles 
on  her  lap ;  let  it  be  taught  in  schools,  in  seminaries, 
and  in  colleges ;  let  it  be  written  in  primers,  spelling- 
books,  and  in  almanacs ;  let  it  be  preached  from  the 
pulpit,  proclaimed  in  legislative  halls,  and  enforced 
in  courts  of  justice.  And,  in  short,  let  it  become  the 
political  religion  of  the  nation ;  and  let  the  old  and 
the  young,  the  rich  and  the  poor,  the  grave  and  the 
gay  of  all  sexes  and  tongues  and  colors  and  condi- 
tions, sacrifice  unceasingly  upon  its  altars. 

While  ever  a  state  of  feeling  such  as  this  shall 
universally  or  even  very  generally  prevail  through- 
out the  nation,  vain  will  be  every  effort,  and  fruit- 
less every  attempt,  to  subvert  our  national  freedom. 

When  I  so  pressingly  urge  a  strict  observance  of  all 
the  laws,  let  me  not  be  understood  as  saying  there 
are  no  bad  laws,  or  that  grievances  may  not  arise 
for  the  redress  of  which  no  legal  provisions  have  been 
made.  I  mean  to  say  no  such  thing.  But  I  do 
mean  to  say  that  although  bad  laws,  if  they  exist, 
should  be  repealed  as  soon  as  possible,  still,  while 
they  continue  in  force,  for  the  sake  of  example  they 
should  be  religiously  observed.  So  also  in  unpro- 
vided cases.  If  such  arise,  let  proper  legal  pro- 
visions be  made  for  them  with  the  least  possible 
delay,  but  till  then  let  them,  if  not  too  intolerable,  be 
borne  with. 

There  is  no  grievance  that  is  a  fit  object  of  redress 
by  mob  law.  In  any  case  that  may  arise,  as,  for  in- 
stance, the  promulgation  of  abolitionism,  one  of  two 
positions  is  necessarily  true — that  is,  the  thing  is  right 
within  itself,  and  therefore  deserves  the  protection 


The  Writings  of 

of  all  law  and  all  good  citizens,  or  it  is  wrong,  and 
therefore  proper  to  be  prohibited  by  legal  enact- 
ments ;  and  in  neither  case  is  the  interposition  of  mob 
law  either  necessary,  justifiable,  or  excusable. 

But  it  may  be  asked,  Why  suppose  danger  to  our 
political  institutions  ?  Have  we  not  preserved  them 
for  more  than  fifty  years  ?  And  why  may  we  not  for 
fifty  times  as  long? 

We  hope  there  is  no  sufficient  reason.  We  hope 
all  danger  may  be  overcome;  but  to  conclude  that 
no  danger  may  ever  arise  would  itself  be  extremely 
dangerous.  There  are  now,  and  will  hereafter  be, 
many  causes,  dangerous  in  their  tendency,  which 
have  not  existed  heretofore,  and  which  are  not  too 
insignificant  to  merit  attention.  That  our  govern- 
ment should  have  been  maintained  in  its  original 
form,  from  its  establishment  until  now,  is  not  much 
to  be  wondered  at.  It  had  many  props  to  support 
it  through  that  period,  which  now  are  decayed  and 
crumbled  away.  Through  that  period  it  was  felt 
by  all  to  be  an  undecided  experiment;  now  it  is 
understood  to  be  a  successful  one.  Then,  all  that 
sought  celebrity  and  fame  and  distinction  expected 
to  find  them  in  the  success  of  that  experiment.  Their 
all  was  staked  upon  it ;  their  destiny  was  inseparably 
linked  with  it.  Their  ambition  aspired  to  display 
before  an  admiring  world  a  practical  demonstration 
of  the  truth  of  a  proposition  which  had  hitherto 
been  considered  at  best  no  better  than  problematical 
— namely,  the  capability  of  a  people  to  govern  them- 
selves. If  they  succeeded  they  were  to  be  im- 
mortalized; their  names  were  to  be  transferred  to 


Abraham  Lincoln  157 

counties,  and  cities,  and  rivers,  and  mountains; 
and  to  be  revered  and  sung,  toasted  through  all  time. 
If  they  failed,  they  were  to  be  called  knaves,  and 
fools,  and  fanatics  for  a  fleeting  hour;  then  to  sink 
and  be  forgotten.  They  succeeded.  The  experi- 
ment is  successful,  and  thousands  have  won  their 
deathless  names  in  making  it  so.  But  the  game  is 
caught ;  and  I  believe  it  is  true  that  with  the  catch- 
ing end  the  pleasures  of  the  chase.  This  field  of 
glory  is  harvested,  and  the  crop  is  already  appro- 
priated. But  new  reapers  will  arise,  and  they  too 
will  seek  a  field.  It  is  to  deny  what  the  history  of 
the  world  tells  us  is  true,  to  suppose  that  men  of 
ambition  and  talents  will  not  continue  to  spring  up 
amongst  us.  And  when  they  do,  they  will  as  natur- 
ally seek  the  gratification  of  their  ruling  passion  as 
others  have  done  before  them.  The  question  then  is, 
Can  that  gratification  be  found  in  supporting  and 
maintaining  an  edifice  that  has  been  erected  by 
others?  Most  certainly  it  cannot.  Many  great  and 
good  men,  sufficiently  qualified  for  any  task  they 
should  undertake,  may  ever  be  found  whose  ambi- 
tion would  aspire  to  nothing  beyond  a  seat  in  Con- 
gress, a  Gubernatorial  or  a  Presidential  chair;  but 
such  belong  not  to  the  family  of  the  lion,  or  the  tribe 
of  the  eagle.  What!  think  you  these  places  would 
satisfy  an  Alexander,  a  Caesar,  or  a  Napoleon? 
Never!  Towering  genius  disdains  a  beaten  path. 
It  seeks  regions  hitherto  unexplored.  It  sees  no 
distinction  in  adding  story  to  story  upon  the  monu- 
ments of  fame  erected  to  the  memory  of  others.  It 
denies  that  it  is  glory  enough  to  serve  under  any 


158  The  Writings  of 

chief.  It  scorns  to  tread  in  the  footsteps  of  any 
predecessor,  however  illustrious.  It  thirsts  and 
burns  for  distinction ;  and  if  possible,  it  will  have  it, 
whether  at  the  expense  of  emancipating  slaves  or 
enslaving  freemen.  Is  it  unreasonable,  then,  to 
expect  that  some  man  possessed  of  the  loftiest 
genius,  coupled  with  ambition  sufficient  to  push  it  to 
its  utmost  stretch,  will  at  some  time  spring  up 
among  us?  And  when  such  an  one  does  it  will 
require  the  people  to  be  united  with  each  other, 
attached  to  the  government  and  laws,  and  generally 
intelligent,  to  successfully  frustrate  his  designs. 

Distinction  will  be  his  paramount  object,  and 
although  he  would  as  willingly,  perhaps  more  so, 
acquire  it  by  doing  good  as  harm,  yet,  that  opportu- 
nity being  past,  and  nothing  left  to  be  done  in  the 
way  of  building  up,  he  would  set  boldly  to  the  task  of 
pulling  down. 

Here  then  is  a  probable  case,  highly  dangerous,  and 
such  an  one  as  could  not  have  well  existed  heretofore. 

Another  reason  which  once  was,  but  which,  to  the 
same  extent,  is  now  no  more,  has  done  much  in 
maintaining  our  institutions  thus  far.  I  mean  the 
powerful  influence  which  the  interesting  scenes  of 
the  Revolution  had  upon  the  passions  of  the  people 
as  distinguished  from  their  judgment.  By  this  in- 
fluence, the  jealousy,  envy,  and  avarice  incident  to 
our  nature,  and  so  common  to  a  state  of  peace, 
prosperity,  and  conscious  strength,  were  for  the  time 
in  a  great  measure  smothered  and  rendered  inactive, 
while  the  deep-rooted  principles  of  hate,  and  the 
powerful  motive  of  revenge,  instead  of  being  turned 


Abraham  Lincoln  159 

against  each  other,  were  directed  exclusively  against 
the  British  nation.  And  thus,  from  the  force  of 
circumstances,  the  basest  principles  of  our  nature 
were  either  made  to  lie  dormant,  or  to  become  the 
active  agents  in  the  advancement  of  the  noblest  of 
causes — that  of  establishing  and  maintaining  civil 
and  religious  liberty. 

But  this  state  of  feeling  must  fade,  is  fading,  has 
faded,  with  the  circumstances  that  produced  it. 

I  do  not  mean  to  say  that  the  scenes  of  the  Revolu- 
tion are  now  or  ever  will  be  entirely  forgotten,  but 
that,  like  everything  else,  they  must  fade  upon  the 
memory  of  the  world,  and  grow  more  and  more  dim 
by  the  lapse  of  time.  In  history,  we  hope,  they  will 
be  read  of,  and  recounted,  so  long  as  the  Bible  shall 
be  read;  but  even  granting  that  they  will,  their 
influence  cannot  be  what  it  heretofore  has  been. 
Even  then  they  cannot  be  so  universally  known  nor 
so  vividly  felt  as  they  were  by  the  generation  just 
gone  to  rest.  At  the  close  of  that  struggle,  nearly 
every  adult  male  had  been  a  participator  in  some 
of  its  scenes.  The  consequence  was  that  of  those 
scenes,  in  the  form  of  a  husband,  a  father,  a  son,  or  a 
brother,  a  living  history  was  to  be  found  in  every 
family — a  history  bearing  the  indubitable  testimonies 
of  its  own  authenticity,  in  the  limbs  mangled,  in  the 
scars  of  wounds  received,  in  the  midst  of  the  very 
scenes  related — a  history,  too,  that  could  be  read  and 
understood  alike  by  all,  the  wise  and  the  ignorant, 
the  learned  and  the  unlearned.  But  those  histo- 
ries are  gone.  They  can  be  read  no  more  forever. 
They  were  a  fortress  of  strength ;  but  what  invading 


160  The  Writings  of 

f  oeman  could  never  do  the  silent  artillery  of  time  has 
done — the  levelling  of  its  walls.  They  are  gone. 
They  were  a  forest  of  giant  oaks ;  but  the  all-restless 
hurricane  has  swept  over  them,  and  left  only  here 
and  there  a  lonely  trunk,  despoiled  of  its  verdure, 
shorn  of  its  foliage,  unshading  and  unshaded,  to 
murmur  in  a  few  more  gentle  breezes,  and  to  com- 
bat with  its  multilated  limbs  a  few  more  ruder 
storms,  then  to  sink  and  be  no  more. 

They  were  pillars  of  the  temple  of  liberty;  and 
now  that  they  have  crumbled  away  that  temple  must 
fall  unless  we,  their  descendants,  supply  their  places 
with  other  pillars,  hewn  from  the  solid  quarry  of 
sober  reason.  Passion  has  helped  us,  but  can  do  so 
no  more.  It  will  in  future  be  our  enemy.  Reason — 
cold,  calculating,  unimpassioned  reason — must  fur- 
nish all  the  materials  for  our  future  support  and 
defence.  Let  those  materials  be  moulded  into 
general  intelligence,  sound  morality,  and  in  particu- 
lar, a  reverence  for  the  Constitution  and  laws ;  and 
that  we  improved  to  the  last,  that  we  remained  free 
to  the  last,  that  we  revered  his  name  to  the  last,  that 
during  his  long  sleep  we  permitted  no  hostile 
foot  to  pass  over  or  desecrate  his  resting  place, 
shall  be  that  which  to  learn  the  last  trump  shall 
awaken  our  Washington. 

Upon  these  let  the  proud  fabric  of  freedom  rest, 
as  the  rock  of  its  basis;  and  as  truly  as  has  been 
said  of  the  only  greater  institution,  "the  gates  of 
hell  shall  not  prevail  against  it." 


Abraham  Lincoln  161 

PROTEST  IN  THE  ILLINOIS   LEGISLATURE    ON  THE 
SUBJECT   OF   SLAVERY. 

March  3,  1837. 

The  following  protest  was  presented  to  the  House, 
which  was  read  and  ordered  to  be  spread  on  the 
journals,  to  wit : 

"Resolutions  upon  the  subject  of  domestic  slavery 
having  passed  both  branches  of  the  General  Assem- 
bly at  its  present  session,  the  undersigned  hereby 
protest  against  the  passage  of  the  same. 

"They  believe  that  the  institution  of  slavery  is 
founded  on  both  injustice  and  bad  policy,  but  that 
the  promulgation  of  abolition  doctrines  tends  rather 
to  increase  than  abate  its  evils. 

"They  believe  that  the  Congress  of  the  United 
States  has  no  power  under  the  Constitution  to 
interfere  with  the  institution  of  slavery  in  the 
different  States. 

"They  believe  that  the  Congress  of  the  United 
States  has  the  power,  under  the  Constitution,  to 
abolish  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  but 
that  the  power  ought  not  to  be  exercised,  unless  at 
the  request  of  the  people  of  the  District. 

"The  difference  between  these  opinions  and  those 
contained  in  the  said  resolutions  is  their  reason 
for  entering  this  protest. 

"DAN  STONE, 
"A.  LINCOLN, 

"  Representatives  from  the  County  of  Sangamon. " 


YOL.  I.— XI. 


1 62  The  Writings  of 

TO  MISS  MARY  OWENS. 

SPRINGFIELD,  May  7,  1837. 

Miss  MARY  S.  OWENS. 

FRIEND  MARY: — I  have  commenced  two  letters 
to  send  you  before  this,  both  of  which  displeased  me 
before  I  got  half  done,  and  so  I  tore  them  up.  The 
first  I  thought  was  not  serious  enough,  and  the  sec- 
ond was  on  the  other  extreme.  I  shall  send  this, 
turn  out  as  it  may. 

This  thing  of  living  in  Springfield  is  rather  a 
dull  business,  after  all ;  at  least  it  is  so  to  me.  I  am 
quite  as  lonesome  here  as  I  ever  was  anywhere  in 
my  life.  I  have  been  spoken  to  by  but  one  woman 
since  I  have  been  here,  and  should  not  have  been  by 
her  if  she  could  have  avoided  it.  I  've  never  been 
to  church  yet,  and  probably  shall  not  be  soon.  I 
stay  away  because  I  am  conscious  I  should  not 
know  how  to  behave  myself. 

I  am  often  thinking  of  what  we  said  about  your 
coming  to  live  at  Springfield.  I  am  afraid  you 
would  not  be  satisfied.  There  is  a  great  deal  of 
flourishing  about  in  carriages  here,  which  it  would 
be  your  doom  to  see  without  sharing  it.  You 
would  have  to  be  poor,  without  the  means  of  hiding 
your  poverty.  Do  you  believe  you  could  bear  that 
patiently?  Whatever  woman  may  cast  her  lot 
with  mine,  should  any  ever  do  so,  it  is  my  intention 
to  do  all  in  my  power  to  make  her  happy  and  con- 
tented; and  there  is  nothing  I  can  imagine  that 
would  make  me  more  unhappy  than  to  fail  in  the 
effort.  I  know  I  should  be  much  happier  with  you 
than  the  way  I  am,  provided  I  saw  no  signs  of  dis- 


Abraham  Lincoln  163 

content  in  you.  What  you  have  said  to  me  may 
have  been  in  the  way  of  jest,  or  I  may  have  mis- 
understood you.  If  so,  then  let  it  be  forgotten; 
if  otherwise,  I  much  wish  you  would  think  seriously 
before  you  decide.  What  I  have  said  I  will  most 
positively  abide  by,  provided  you  wish  it.  My 
opinion  is  that  you  had  better  not  do  it.  You  have 
not  been  accustomed  to  hardship,  and  it  may  be 
more  severe  than  you  now  imagine.  I  know  you 
are  capable  of  thinking  correctly  on  any  subject,  and 
if  you  deliberate  maturely  upon  this  subject  before 
you  decide,  then  I  am  willing  to  abide  your  decision. 
You  must  write  me  a  good  long  letter  after 
you  get  this.  You  have  nothing  else  to  do,  and 
though  it  might  not  seem  interesting  to  you  after 
you  had  written  it,  it  would  be  a  good  deal  of  com- 
pany to  me  in  this  "busy  wilderness."  Tell  your 
sister  I  don't  want  to  hear  any  more  about  selling 
out  and  moving.  That  gives  me  the  "hypo"  when- 
ever I  think  of  it.  Yours,  etc.,  LTNPOTN 


TO   JOHN    BENNETT. 

SPRINGFIELD,  ILL.,  Aug.  5,  1837. 

JOHN  BENNETT,  ESQ. 

DEAR  SIR: — Mr.  Edwards  tells  me  you  wish  to 
know  whether  the  act  to  which  your  own  incorpora- 
tion provision  was  attached  passed  into  a  law.  It 
did.  You  can  organize  under  the  general  incorpora- 
tion law  as  soon  as  you  choose. 

I  also  tacked  a  provision  onto  a  fellow's  bill  to 
authorize  the  relocation  of  the  road  from  Salem 


1 64  The  Writings  of 

down  to  your  town,  but  I  am  not  certain  whether  or 
not  the  bill  passed,  neither  do  I  suppose  I  can  ascer- 
tain before  the  law  will  be  published,  if  it  is  a  law. 
Bowling  Greene,  Bennette  Abe?  and  yourself  are 
appointed  to  make  the  change.  No  news.  No 
excitement  except  a  little  about  the  election  of 
Monday  next. 

I  suppose,  of  course,  our  friend  Dr.  Heney  stands 
no  chance  in  your  diggings. 

Your  friend  and  humble  servant, 

A.  LINCOLN. 


TO   MARY   OWENS. 

SPRINGFIELD,  Aug.  16,  1837. 

FRIEND  MARY: 

You  will  no  doubt  think  it  rather  strange  that  I 
should  write  you  a  letter  on  the  same  day  on  which 
we  parted,  and  I  can  only  account  for  it  by  supposing 
that  seeing  you  lately  makes  me  think  of  you  more 
than  usual;  while  at  our  late  meeting  we  had  but 
few  expressions  of  thoughts.  You  must  know  that  I 
cannot  see  you,  or  think  of  you,  with  entire  indiffer- 
ence; and  yet  it  may  be  that  you  are  mistaken  in 
regard  to  what  my  real  feelings  toward  you  are. 

If  I  knew  you  were  not,  I  should  not  have  troubled 
you  with  this  letter.  Perhaps  any  other  man  would 
know  enough  without  information;  but  I  consider 
it  my  peculiar  right  to  plead  ignorance,  and  your 
bounden  duty  to  allow  the  plea. 

I  want  in  all  cases  to  do  right;  and  most  particu- 
larly so  in  all  cases  with  women. 

I  want,  at  this  particular  time,  more  than  any- 


Abraham  Lincoln  165 

thing  else  to  do  right  with  you;  and  if  I  knew  it 
would  be  doing  right,  as  I  rather  suspect  it  would,  to 
let  you  alone  I  would  do  it.  And,  for  the  purpose  of 
making  the  matter  as  plain  as  possible,  I  now  say 
that  you  can  drop  the  subject,  dismiss  your  thoughts 
(if  you  ever  had  any)  from  me  for  ever  and  leave 
this  letter  unanswered  without  calling  forth  one 
accusing  murmur  from  me.  And  I  will  even  go 
further  and  say  that,  if  it  will  add  anything  to  your 
comfort  or  peace  of  mind  to  do  so,  it  is  my  sincere 
wish  that  you  should.  Do  not  understand  by  this 
that  I  wish  to  cut  your  acquaintance.  I  mean 
no  such  thing.  What  I  do  wish  is  that  our  further 
acquaintance  shall  depend  upon  yourself.  If  such 
further  acquaintance  would  contribute  nothing  to 
your  happiness,  I  am  sure  it  would  not  to  mine.  If 
you  feel  yourself  in  any  degree  bound  to  me,  I  am 
now  willing  to  release  you,  provided  you  wish  it; 
while  on  the  other  hand  I  am  willing  and  even 
anxious  to  bind  you  faster  if  I  can  be  convinced  that 
it  will,  in  any  considerable  degree,  add  to  your 
happiness.  This,  indeed,  is  the  whole  question  with 
me.  Nothing  would  make  me  more  miserable  than 
to  believe  you  miserable,  nothing  more  happy  than 
to  know  you  were  so. 

In  what  I  have  now  said,  I  think  I  cannot  be  mis- 
understood; and  to  make  myself  understood  is  the 
only  object  of  this  letter. 

If  it  suits  you  best  not  to  answer  this,  farewell. 
A  long  life  and  a  merry  one  attend  you.  But,  if 
you  conclude  to  write  back,  speak  as  plainly  as  I  do. 
There  can  neither  be  harm  nor  danger  in  saying  to 


i66  The  Writings  of 

me  anything  you  think,  just  in  the  manner  you  think 
it.     My  respects  to  your  sister. 

Your  friend, 

LINCOLN. 


TO   THE    PEOPLE. 
"SANGAMON  JOURNAL,"  SPRINGFIELD,  ILL.,  Aug.  19,  1837. 

In  accordance  with  our  determination,  as  expressed 
last  week,  we  present  to  the  reader  the  articles  which 
were  published  in  hand-bill  form,  in  reference  to 
the  case  of  the  heirs  of  Joseph  Anderson  vs.  James 
Adams.  These  articles  can  now  be  read  unin- 
fluenced by  personal  or  party  feeling,  and  with  the 
sole  motive  of  learning  the  truth.  When  that  is 
done,  the  reader  can  pass  his  own  judgment  on  the 
matters  at  issue. 

We  only  regret  in  this  case,  that  the  publications 
were  not  made  some  weeks  before  the  election.  Such 
a  course  might  have  prevented  the  expressions  of 
regret,  which  have  often  been  heard  since,  from 
different  individuals,  on  account  of  the  disposition 
they  made  of  their  votes. 

To  the  Public. 

It  is  well  known  to  most  of  you,  that  there  is 
existing  at  this  time  considerable  excitement  in 
regard  to  Gen.  Adams's  titles  to  certain  tracts  of  land, 
and  the  manner  in  which  he  acquired  them.  As  I 
understand,  the  Gen.  charges  that  the  whole  has 
been  gotten  up  by  a  knot  of  lawyers  to  injure  his 
election;  and  as  I  am  one  of  the  knot  to  which 
he  refers,  and  as  I  happen  to  be  in  possession  of 
facts  connected  with  the  matter,  I  will,  in  as  brief 


Abraham  Lincoln  167 

a  manner  as  possible,  make  a  statement  of  them, 
together  with  the  means  by  which  I  arrived  at  the 
knowledge  of  them. 

Sometime  in  May  or  June  last,  a  widow  woman, 
by  the  name  of  Anderson,  and  her  son,  who  resides 
in  Fulton  county,  came  to  Springfield,  for  the  purpose 
as  they  said  of  selling  a  ten  acre  lot  of  ground  lying 
near  town,  which  they  claimed  as  the  property  of  the 
deceased  husband  and  father. 

When  they  reached  town  they  found  the  land  was 
claimed  by  Gen.  Adams.  John  T.  Stuart  and  my- 
self were  employed  to  look  into  the  matter,  and  if  it 
was  thought  we  could  do  so  with  any  prospect  of 
success,  to  commence  a  suit  for  the  land.  I  went 
immediately  to  the  recorder's  office  to  examine 
Adams's  title,  and  found  that  the  land  had  been 
entered  by  one  Dixon,  deeded  by  Dixon  to  Thomas, 
by  Thomas  to  one  Miller,  and  by  Miller  to  Gen. 
Adams.  The  oldest  of  these  three  deeds  was  about 
ten  or  eleven  years  old,  and  the  latest  more  than  five, 
all  recorded  at  the  same  time,  and  that  within  less 
than  one  year.  This  I  thought  a  suspicious  circum- 
stance, and  I  was  thereby  induced  to  examine  the 
deeds  very  closely,  with  a  view  to  the  discovery  of 
some  defect  by  which  to  overturn  the  title,  being 
almost  convinced  then  it  was  founded  in  fraud.  I 
finally  discovered  that  in  the  deed  from  Thomas  to 
Miller,  although  Miller's  name  stood  in  a  sort  of 
marginal  note  on  the  record  book,  it  was  nowhere 
in  the  deed  itself.  I  told  the  fact  to  Talbott,  the 
recorder,  and  proposed  to  him  that  he  should  go  to 
Gen.  Adams's  and  get  the  original  deed,  and  compare 
it  with  the  record,  and  thereby  ascertain  whether  the 


1 68 


The  Writings  of 


defect  was  in  the  original  or  there  was  merely  an 
error  in  the  recording.  As  Talbott  afterwards  told 
me,  he  went  to  the  General's,  but  not  finding  him 
at  home,  got  the  deed  from  his  son,  which,  when 
compared  with  the  record,  proved  what  we  had  dis- 
covered was  merely  an  error  of  the  recorder.  After 
Mr.  Talbott  corrected  the  record,  be  brought  the 
original  to  our  office,  as  I  then  thought  and  think  yet, 
to  show  us  that  it  was  right.  When  he  came  into 
the  room  he  handed  the  deed  to  me,  remarking  that 
the  fault  was  all  his  own.  On  opening  it,  another 
paper  fell  out  of  it,  which  on  examination  proved  to 
be  an  assignment  of  a  judgment  in  the  Circuit  Court 
of  Sangamon  County  from  Joseph  Anderson,  the  late 
husband  of  the  widow  above  named,  to  James 
Adams,  the  judgment  being  in  favor  of  said  Ander- 
son against  one  Joseph  Miller.  Knowing  that  this 
judgment  had  some  connection  with  the  land  affair, 
I  immediately  took  a  copy  of  it,  which  is  word  for 
word,  letter  for  letter  and  cross  for  cross  as  follows : 


Joseph  Anderson, 

vs. 
Joseph  Miller. 

May  roth,  1827. 


Judgment  in  Sangamon  Cir- 
cuit Court  against  Joseph 
Miller  obtained  on  a  note 
originally  25  dolls  and  inter- 
est thereon  accrued. 

I  assign  all  my  right,  title 
and  interest  to  James  Adams 
which  is  in  consideration  of  a 
debt  I  owe  said  Adams. 

his 

JOSEPH    X    ANDERSON. 
mark." 


Abraham  Lincoln  169 

As  the  copy  shows,  it  bore  date  May  10,  1827; 
although  the  judgment  assigned  by  it  was  not 
obtained  until  the  October  afterwards,  as  may  be 
seen  by  any  one  on  the  records  of  the  Circuit  Court. 
Two  other  strange  circumstances  attended  it  which 
cannot  be  represented  by  a  copy.  One  of  them  was, 
that  the  date  "1827"  had  first  been  made  "1837" 
and,  without  the  figure  "  3  "  being  fully  obliterated, 
the  figure  "  2  "  had  afterwards  been  made  on  top  of  it ; 
the  other  was  that,  although  the  date  was  ten  years 
old,  the  writing  on  it,  from  the  freshness  of  its  ap- 
pearance, was  thought  by  many,  and  I  believe  by  all 
who  saw  it,  not  to  be  more  than  a  week  old.  The 
paper  on  which  it  was  written  had  a  very  old  appear- 
ance; and  there  were  some  old  figures  on  the  back 
of  it  which  made  the  freshness  of  the  writing  on  the 
face  of  it  much  more  striking  than  I  suppose  it  other- 
wise might  have  been.  The  reader's  curiosity  is  no 
doubt  excited  to  know  what  connection  this  assign- 
ment had  with  the  land  in  question.  The  story  is 
this:  Dixon  sold  and  deeded  the  land  to  Thomas; 
Thomas  sold  it  to  Anderson ;  but  before  he  gave  a 
deed,  Anderson  sold  it  to  Miller,  and  took  Miller's 
note  for  the  purchase  money.  When  this  note 
became  due,  Anderson  sued  Miller  on  it,  and  Miller 
procured  an  injunction  from  the  Court  of  Chancery  to 
stay  the  collection  of  the  money  until  he  should  get  a 
deed  for  the  land.  Gen.  Adams  was  employed  as  an 
attorney  by  Anderson  in  this  chancery  suit,  and  at 
the  October  term,  1827,  the  injunction  was  dissolved, 
and  a  judgment  given  in  favor  of  Anderson  against 
Miller;  and  it  was  provided  that  Thomas  was  to 


The  Writings  of 

execute  a  deed  for  the  land  in  favor  of  Miller  and 
deliver  it  to  Gen.  Adams,  to  be  held  up  by  him  till 
Miller  paid  the  judgment,  and  then  to  deliver  it  to  him. 
Miller  left  the  county  without  paying  the  judgment. 
Anderson  moved  to  Fulton  county,  where  he  has 
since  died.  When  the  widow  came  to  Springfield  last 
May  or  June,  as  before  mentioned,  and  found  the 
land  deeded  to  Gen.  Adams  by  Miller,  she  was  natur- 
ally led  to  inquire  why  the  money  due  upon  the 
judgment  had  not  been  sent  to  them,  inasmuch  as  he, 
Gen.  Adams,  had  no  authority  to  deliver  Thomas's 
deed  to  Miller  until  the  money  was  paid.  Then  it 
was  the  General  told  her,  or  perhaps  her  son,  who 
came  with  her,  that  Anderson,  in  his  lifetime,  had 
assigned  the  judgment  to  him,  Gen.  Adams.  I  am  now 
told  that  the  General  is  exhibiting  an  assignment  of 
the  same  judgment  bearing  date  "1828"  and  in 
other  respects  differing  from  the  one  described ;  and 
that  he  is  asserting  that  no  such  assignment  as  the 
one  copied  by  me  ever  existed ;  or  if  there  did,  it  was 
forged  between  Talbott  and  the  lawyers,  and  slipped 
into  his  papers  for  the  purpose  of  injuring  him. 
Now,  I  can  only  say  that  I  know  precisely  such  a 
one  did  exist,  and  that  Ben.  Talbott,  Wm.  Butler,  C. 
R.  Matheny,  John  T.  Stuart,  Judge  Logan,  Robert 
Irwin,  P.  C.  Canedy  and  S.  M.  Tinsley,  all  saw  and 
examined  it,  and  that  at  least  one  half  of  them  will 
swear  that  IT  WAS  IN  GENERAL  ADAMS'S 
HANDWRITING! !  And  further,  I  know  that 
Talbott  will  swear  that  he  got  it  out  of  the  General's 
possession,  and  returned  it  into  his  possession  again. 
The  assignment  which  the  General  is  now  exhibiting 


Abraham  Lincoln  171 

purports  to  have  been  by  Anderson  in  writing.  The 
one  I  copied  was  signed  with  a  cross. 

I  am  told  that  Gen.  Neale  says  that  he  will  swear 
that  he  heard  Gen.  Adams  tell  young  Anderson  that 
the  assignment  made  by  his  father  was  signed  with  a 
cross. 

The  above  are  facts,  as  stated.  I  leave  them 
without  comment.  I  have  given  the  names  of 
persons  who  have  knowledge  of  these  facts,  in  order 
that  any  one  who  chooses  may  call  on  them  and 
ascertain  how  far  they  will  corroborate  my  state- 
ments. I  have  only  made  these  statements  because 
I  am  known  by  many  to  be  one  of  the  individuals 
against  whom  the  charge  of  forging  the  assignment 
and  slipping  it  into  the  General's  papers  has  been 
made,  and  because  our  silence  might  be  construed 
into  a  confession  of  its  truth.  I  shall  not  subscribe 
my  name ;  but  I  hereby  authorize  the  editor  of  the 
Journal  to  give  it  up  to  any  one  that  may  call  for  it. "  * 

Messrs.  Lincoln  and  Talbott  in  Reply  to  Gen.  Adams. 

"  SANGAMON  JOURNAL,"  SPRINGFIELD,  ILL.,  Oct.  28,  1837. 

In  the  Republican  of  this  morning  a  publication  of 
Gen.  Adams's  appears,  in  which  my  name  is  used 
quite  unreservedly.  For  this  I  thank  the  General. 
I  thank  him  because  it  gives  me  an  opportunity, 
without  appearing  obtrusive,  of  explaining  a  part  of 
a  former  publication  of  mine,  which  appears  to  me 
to  have  been  misunderstood  by  many. 

In  the  former  publication  alluded  to,  I  stated,  in 

1  It  was  subsequently  acknowledged  that  Lincoln  was  the  author  of 
this  "hand-bill." 


172  The  Writings  of 

substance,  that  Mr.  Talbott  got  a  deed  from  a  son  of 
Gen.  Adams's  for  the  purpose  of  correcting  a  mis- 
take that  had  occurred  on  the  record  of  the  said  deed 
in  the  recorder's  office;  that  he  corrected  the  record, 
and  brought  the  deed  and  handed  it  to  me,  and  that 
on  opening  the  deed,  another  paper,  being  the  as- 
signment of  a  judgment,  fell  out  of  it.  This  state- 
ment Gen.  Adams  and  the  editor  of  the  Republican 
have  seized  upon  as  a  most  palpable  evidence  of 
fabrication  and  falsehood.  They  set  themselves 
gravely  about  proving  that  the  assignment  could  not 
have  been  in  the  deed  when  Talbott  got  it  from 
young  Adams,  as  he,  Talbott,  would  have  seen  it 
when  he  opened  the  deed  to  correct  the  record. 
Now,  the  truth  is,  Talbott  did  see  the  assignment 
when  he  opened  the  deed,  or  at  least  he  told  me  he 
did  on  the  same  day ;  and  I  only  omitted  to  say  so, 
in  my  former  publication,  because  it  was  a  matter 
of  such  palpable  and  necessary  inference.  I  had 
stated  that  Talbott  had  corrected  the  record  by  the 
deed;  and  of  course  he  must  have  opened  it;  and, 
just  as  the  General  and  his  friends  argue,  must  have 
seen  the  assignment.  I  omitted  to  state  the  fact  of 
Talbott 's  seeing  the  assignment,  because  its  existence 
was  so  necessarily  connected  with  other  facts  which 
I  did  state,  that  I  thought  the  greatest  dunce  could 
not  but  understand  it.  Did  I  say  Talbott  had  not 
seen  it?  Did  I  say  anything  that  was  inconsistent 
with  his  having  seen  it  before  ?  Most  certainly  I  did 
neither;  and  if  I  did  not,  what  becomes  of  the  argu- 
ment ?  These  logical  gentlemen  cannot  sustain  their 
argument  only  by  assuming  that  I  did  say  negatively 


Abraham  Lincoln  173 

everything  that  I  did  not  say  affirmatively;  and  upon 
the  same  assumption,  we  may  expect  to  find  the 
General,  if  a  little  harder  pressed  for  argument, 
saying  that  I  said  Talbott  came  to  our  office  with  his 
head  downward,  not  that  I  actually  said  so,  but 
because  I  omitted  to  say  he  came  feet  downward. 

In  his  publication  to-day,  the  General  produces 
the  affidavit  of  Reuben  Radford,  in  which  it  is  said 
that  Talbott  told  Radford  that  he  did  not  find  the 
assignment  in  the  deed,  in  the  recording  of  which  the 
error  was  committed,  but  that  he  found  it  wrapped 
in  another  paper  in  the  recorder's  office,  upon  which 
statement  the  Genl.  comments  as  follows,  to  wit: 
"If  it  be  true  as  stated  by  Talbott  to  Radford,  that 
he  found  the  assignment  wrapped  up  in  another 
paper  at  his  office,  that  contradicts  the  statement  of 
Lincoln  that  it  fell  out  of  the  deed." 

Is  common  sense  to  be  abused  with  such  sophistry  ? 
Did  I  say  what  Talbott  found  it  in?  If  Talbott  did 
find  it  in  another  paper  at  his  office,  is  that  any 
reason  why  he  could  not  have  folded  it  in  a  deed  and 
brought  it  to  my  office  ?  Can  any  one  be  so  far  duped 
as  to  be  made  believe  that  what  may  have  happened 
at  Talbott' 's  office  at  one  time  is  inconsistent  with 
what  happened  at  my  office  at  another  time  ? 

Now  Talbott 's  statement  of  the  case  as  he  makes 
it  to  me  is  this,  that  he  got  a  bunch  of  deeds  from 
young  Adams,  and  that  he  knows  he  found  the 
assignment  in  the  bunch,  but  he  is  not  certain  which 
particular  deed  it  was  in,  nor  is  he  certain  whether  it 
was  folded  in  the  same  deed  out  of  which  it  was 
taken,  or  another  one,  when  it  was  brought  to  my 


174  The  Writings  of 

office.  Is  this  a  mysterious  story  ?  Is  there  anything 
suspicious  about  it? 

"But  it  is  useless  to  dwell  longer  on  this  point. 
Any  man  who  is  not  wilfully  blind  can  see  at  a  flash, 
that  there  is  no  discrepancy,  and  Lincoln  has  shown 
that  they  are  not  only  inconsistent  with  truth,  but 
each  other" — I  can  only  say,  that  I  have  shown  that 
he  has  done  no  such  thing;  and  if  the  reader  is 
disposed  to  require  any  other  evidence  than  the 
General's  assertion,  he  will  be  of  my  opinion. 

Excepting  the  General's  most  flimsy  attempt  at 
mystification,  in  regard  to  a  discrepance  between 
Talbott  and  myself,  he  has  not  denied  a  single  state- 
ment that  I  made  in  my  hand-bill.  Every  material 
statement  that  I  made  has  been  sworn  to  by  men 
who,  in  former  times,  were  thought  as  respectable  as 
General  Adams.  I  stated  that  an  assignment  of  a 
judgment,  a  copy  of  which  I  gave,  had  existed — • 
Benj.  Talbott,  C.  R.  Matheny,  Wm.  Butler,  and 
Judge  Logan  swore  to  its  existence.  I  stated  that  it 
was  said  to  be  in  Gen.  Adams's  handwriting — the 
same  men  swore  it  was  in  his  handwriting.  I  stated 
that  Talbott  would  swear  that  he  got  it  out  of  Gen. 
Adams's  possession — Talbott  came  forward  and  did 
swear  it. 

Bidding  adieu  to  the  former  publication,  I  now 
propose  to  examine  the  General's  last  gigantic  pro- 
duction. I  now  propose  to  point  out  some  discrep- 
ancies in  the  General's  address;  and  such,  too,  as  he 
shall  not  be  able  to  escape  from.  Speaking  of  the 
famous  assignment,  the  General  says:  "This  last 
charge,  which  was  their  last  resort,  their  dying  effort 


Abraham  Lincoln  175 

to  render  my  character  infamous  among  my  fellow- 
citizens,  was  manufactured  at  a  certain  lawyer's 
office  in  the  town,  printed  at  the  office  of  the  Sanga- 
mon  Journal,  and  found  its  way  into  the  world  some 
time  between  two  days  just  before  the  last  election." 
Now  turn  to  Mr.  Keys's  affidavit,  in  which  you  will 
find  the  following,  viz.:  "I  certify  that  some  time 
in  May  or  the  early  part  of  June,  1837,  I  saw  at 
Williams 's  corner  a  paper  purporting  to  be  an  as- 
signment from  Joseph  Anderson  to  James  Adams, 
which  assignment  was  signed  by  a  mark  to  Ander- 
son's name,"  etc.  Now  mark,  if  Keys  saw  the 
assignment  on  the  last  of  May  or  first  of  June,  Gen. 
Adams  tells  a  falsehood  when  he  says  it  was  manu- 
factured just  before  the  election,  which  was  on  the 
7th  of  August;  and  if  it  was  manufactured  just 
before  the  election,  Keys  tells  a  falsehood  when  he 
says  he  saw  it  on  the  last  of  May  or  first  of  June. 
Either  Keys  or  the  General  is  irretrievably  in  for  it ; 
and  in  the  General's  very  condescending  language,  I 
say  "let  them  settle  it  between  them." 

Now  again,  let  the  reader,  bearing  in  mind  that 
General  Adams  has  unequivocally  said,  in  one  part 
of  his  address,  that  the  charge  in  relation  to  the 
assignment  was  manufactured  just  before  the  election, 
turn  to  the  affidavit  of  Peter  S.  Weber,  where  the  fol- 
lowing will  be  found  viz.:  "I,  Peter  S.  Weber,  do 
certify  that  from  the  best  of  my  recollection,  on  the 
day  or  day  after  Gen.  Adams  started  for  the  Illinois 
Rapids,  in  May  last,  that  I  was  at  the  house  of  Gen. 
Adams,  sitting  in  the  kitchen,  situated  on  the  back 
part  of  the  house,  it  being  in  the  afternoon,  and  that 


The  Writings  of 

Benjamin  Talbott  came  around  the  house,  back  into 
the  kitchen,  and  appeared  wild  and  confused,  and 
that  he  laid  a  package  of  papers  on  the  kitchen  table 
and  requested  that  they  should  be  handed  to  Lucian. 
He  made  no  apology  for  coming  to  the  kitchen,  nor 
for  not  handing  them  to  Lucian  himself,  but  showed 
the  token  of  being  frightened  and  confused  both  in 
demeanor  and  speech  and  for  what  cause  I  could  not 
apprehend." 

Commenting  on  Weber's  affidavit,  Gen.  Adams 
asks,  "Why  this  fright  and  confusion?"  I  reply 
that  this  is  a  question  for  the  General  himself. 
Weber  says  that  it  was  in  May,  and  if  so,  it  is  most 
clear  that  Talbott  was  not  frightened  on  account  of 
the  assignment,  unless  the  General  lies  when  he  says 
the  assignment  charge  was  manufactured  just  before 
the  election.  Is  it  not  a  strong  evidence,  that  the 
General  is  not  travelling  with  the  pole-star  of  truth 
in  his  front,  to  see  him  in  one  part  of  his  address 
roundly  asserting  that  the  assignment  was  manu- 
factured just  before  the  election,  and  then,  forgetting 
that  position,  procuring  Weber's  most  foolish  affi- 
davit, to  prove  that  Talbott  had  been  engaged  in 
manufacturing  it  two  months  before  ? 

In  another  part  of  his  address,  Gen.  Adams  says: 
"That  I  hold  an  assignment  of  said  judgment,  dated 
the  2oth  of  May,  1828,  and  signed  by  said  Anderson, 
I  have  never  pretended  to  deny  or  conceal,  but 
stated  that  fact  in  one  of  my  circulars  previous  to 
the  election,  and  also  in  answer  to  a  bill  in  chancery.'1 
Now  I  pronounce  this  statement  unqualifiedly  false, 
and  shall  not  rely  on  the  word  or  oath  of  any  man 


Abraham  Lincoln  i77 

to  sustain  me  in  what  I  say;  but  will  let  the  whole 
be  decided  by  reference  to  the  circular  and  answer 
in  chancery  of  which  the  General  speaks.  In  his 
circular  he  did  speak  of  an  assignment;  but  he  did 
not  say  it  bore  date  2oth  of  May,  1828;  nor  did  he 
say  it  bore  any  date.  In  his  answer  in  chancery, 
he  did  say  that  he  had  an  assignment ;  but  he  did  not 
say  that  it  bore  date  the  2oth  May,  1828;  but  so  far 
from  it,  he  said  on  oath  (for  he  swore  to  the  answer) 
that  as  well  as  recollected,  he  obtained  it  in  1827. 
If  any  one  doubts,  let  him  examine  the  circular  and 
answer  for  himself.  They  are  both  accessible. 

It  will  readily  be  observed  that  the  principal  part 
of  Adams's  defence  rests  upon  the  argument  that 
if  he  had  been  base  enough  to  forge  an  assignment 
he  would  not  have  been  fool  enough  to  forge  one  that 
would  not  cover  the  case.  This  argument  he  used 
in  his  circular  before  the  election.  The  Republican 
has  used  it  at  least  once,  since  then;  and  Adams 
uses  it  again  in  his  publication  of  to-day.  Now  I 
pledge  myself  to  show  that  he  is  just  such  a  fool 
that  he  and  his  friends  have  contended  it  was  im- 
possible for  him  to  be.  Recollect — he  says  he  has  a 
genuine  assignment ;  and  that  he  got  Joseph  Klein's 
affidavit,  stating  that  he  had  seen  it,  and  that  he 
believed  the  signature  to  have  been  executed  by  the 
same  hand  that  signed  Anderson's  name  to  the 
answer  in  chancery.  Luckily  Klein  took  a  copy  of 
this  genuine  assignment,  which  I  have  been  permitted 
to  see;  and  hence  I  know  it  does  not  cover  the  case. 
In  the  first  place  it  is  headed  "Joseph  Anderson 
vs.  Joseph  Miller,"  and  heads  off  "Judgment  in 


VOL.  I. 12. 


178  The  Writings  of 

Sangamon  Circuit  Court."  Now,  mark,  there  never 
was  a  case  in  Sangamon  Circuit  Court  entitled  Joseph 
Anderson  vs.  Joseph  Miller.  The  case  mentioned  in 
my  former  publication,  and  the  only  one  between 
these  parties  that  ever  existed  in  the  Circuit  Court, 
was  entitled  Joseph  Miller  vs.  Joseph  Anderson, 
Miller  being  the  plaintiff.  What  then  becomes  of  all 
their  sophistry  about  Adams  not  being  fool  enough  to 
forge  an  assignment  that  would  not  cover  the  case? 
It  is  certain  that  the  present  one  does  not  cover  the 
case;  and  if  he  got  it  honestly,  it  is  still  clear  that 
he  was  fool  enough  to  pay  for  an  assignment  that 
does  not  cover  the  case. 

The  General  asks  for  the  proof  of  disinterested 
witnesses.  Whom  does  he  consider  disinterested? 
None  can  be  more  so  than  those  who  have  already 
testified  against  him.  No  one  of  them  had  the  least 
interest  on  earth,  so  far  as  I  can  learn,  to  injure  him. 
True,  he  says  they  had  conspired  against  him;  but 
if  the  testimony  of  an  angel  from  Heaven  were  in- 
troduced against  him,  he  would  make  the  same 
charge  of  conspiracy.  And  now  I  put  the  question  to 
every  reflecting  man,  Do  you  believe  that  Benjamin 
Talbott,  Chas.  R.  Matheny,  William  Butler  and 
Stephen  T.  Logan,  all  sustaining  high  and  spotless 
characters,  and  justly  proud  of  them,  would  deliber- 
ately perjure  themselves,  without  any  motive  what- 
ever, except  to  injure  a  man's  election;  and  that, 
too,  a  man  who  had  been  a  candidate,  time  out  of 
mind,  and  yet  who  had  never  been  elected  to  any 
office? 

Adams's   assurance,   in   demanding   disinterested 


Abraham  Lincoln  179 

testimony,  is  surpassing.  He  brings  in  the  affidavit 
of  his  own  son,  and  even  of  Peter  S.  Weber,  with 
whom  I  am  not  acquainted,  but  who,  I  suppose,  is 
some  black  or  mulatto  boy,  from  his  being  kept  in  the 
kitchen,  to  prove  his  points ;  but  when  such  a  man  as 
Talbott,  a  man  who,  but  two  years  ago,  ran  against 
Gen.  Adams  for  the  office  of  Recorder  and  beat  him 
more  than  four  votes  to  one,  is  introduced  against 
him,  he  asks  the  community,  with  all  the  consequence 
of  a  lord,  to  reject  his  testimony. 

I  might  easily  write  a  volume,  pointing  out  incon- 
sistencies between  the  statements  in  Adams's  last 
address  with  one  another,  and  with  other  known 
facts;  but  I  am  aware  the  reader  must  already  be 
tired  with  the  length  of  this  article.  His  opening 
statements,  that  he  was  first  accused  of  being  a  tory, 
and  that  he  refuted  that;  that  then  the  Sampson's 
ghost  story  was  got  up,  and  he  refuted  that ;  that  as 
a  last  resort,  a  dying  effort,  the  assignment  charge 
was  got  up — is  all  as  false  as  hell,  as  all  this  commun- 
ity must  know.  Sampson's  ghost  first  made  its  ap- 
pearance in  print,  and  that,  too,  after  Keys  swears 
he  saw  the  assignment,  as  any  one  may  see  by 
reference  to  the  files  of  papers;  and  Gen.  Adams 
himself,  in  reply  to  the  Sampson's  ghost  story,  was 
the  first  man  that  raised  the  cry  of  toryism,  and  it  was 
only  by  way  of  set-off,  and  never  in  seriousness,  that 
it  was  bandied  back  at  him.  His  effort  is  to  make 
the  impression  that  his  enemies  first  made  the  charge 
of  toryism  and  he  drove  them  from  that,  then 
Sampson's  ghost,  he  drove  them  from  that,  then 
finally  the  assignment  charge  was  manufactured 


i8o  The  Writings  of 

just  before  election.  Now,  the  only  general  reply  he 
ever  made  to  the  Sampson's  ghost  and  tory  charges 
he  made  at  one  and  the  same  time,  and  not  in  succes- 
sion as  he  states;  and  the  date  of  that  reply  will 
show,  that  it  was  made  at  least  a  month  after  the 
date  on  which  Keys  swears  he  saw  the  Anderson 
assignment.  But  enough.  In  conclusion  I  will  only 
say  that  I  have  a  character  to  defend  as  well  as  Gen. 
Adams,  but  I  disdain  to  whine  about  it  as  he  does. 
It  is  true  I  have  no  children  nor  kitchen  boys;  and 
if  I  had,  I  should  scorn  to  lug  them  in  to  make 
affidavits  for  me. 

A.  LINCOLN. 

September  6,  1837. 

TO   THE    PUBLIC. 
"SANGAMON  JOURNAL,"  Springfield,  111.,  Oct.  28,  1837. 

Such  is  the  turn  which  things  have  taken  lately, 
that  when  Gen.  Adams  writes  a  book,  I  am  expected 
to  write  a  commentary  on  it.  In  the  Republican  of 
this  morning  he  has  presented  the  world  with  a  new 
work  of  six  columns  in  length;  in  consequence  of 
which  I  must  beg  the  room  of  one  column  in  the 
Journal.  It  is  obvious  that  a  minute  reply  cannot 
be  made  in  one  column  to  everything  that  can  be 
said  in  six;  and,  consequently,  I  hope  that  ex- 
pectation will  be  answered  if  I  reply  to  such  parts  of 
the  General's  publication  as  are  worth  replying  to. 

It  may  not  be  improper  to  remind  the  reader  that 
in  his  publication  of  Sept.  6th  General  Adams  said 
that  the  assignment  charge  was  manufactured  just 
before  the  election;  and  that  in  reply  I  proved  that 


Abraham  Lincoln  181 

statement  to  be  false  by  Keys,  his  own  witness. 
Now,  without  attempting  to  explain,  he  furnishes  me 
with  another  witness  (Tinsley)  by  which  the  same 
thing  is  proved,  to  wit,  that  the  assignment  was  not 
manufactured  just  before  the  election;  but  that  it  was 
some  weeks  before.  Let  it  be  borne  in  mind  that 
Adams  made  this  statement — has  himself  furnished 
two  witnesses  to  prove  its  falsehood,  and  does  not 
attempt  to  deny  or  explain  it.  Before  going  farther, 
let  a  pin  be  stuck  here,  labelled  "One  lie  proved  and 
confessed. ' '  On  the  6th  of  September  he  said  he  had 
before  stated  in  the  hand-bill  that  he  held  an  assign- 
ment dated  May  2oth,  1828,  which  in  reply  I  pro- 
nounced to  be  false,  and  referred  to  the  hand-bill  for 
the  truth  of  what  I  said.  This  week  he  forgets  to 
make  any  explanation  of  this.  Let  another  pin  be 
stuck  here,  labelled  as  before.  I  mention  these  things 
because,  if,  when  I  convict  him  in  one  falsehood,  he  is 
permitted  to  shift  his  ground  and  pass  it  by  in  silence, 
there  can  be  no  end  to  this  controversy. 

The  first  thing  that  attracts  my  attention  in  the 
General's  present  production  is  the  information  he 
is  pleased  to  give  to  "those  who  are  made  to  suffer 
at  his  (my)  hands." 

Under  present  circumstances,  this  cannot  apply  to 
me,  for  I  am  not  a  widow  nor  an  orphan:  nor  have  I  a 
wife  or  children  who  might  by  possibility  become 
such.  Such,  however,  I  have  no  doubt,  have  been, 
and  will  again  be  made  to  suffer  at  his  hands  I 
Hands!  Yes,  they  are  the  mischievous  agents. 
The  next  thing  I  shall  notice  is  his  favorite  expres- 
sion, "not  of  lawyers,  doctors  and  others,"  which  he 


1 82  The  Writings  of 

is  so  fond  of  applying  to  all  who  dare  expose  his 
rascality.  Now,  let  it  be  remembered  that  when  he 
first  came  to  this  country  he  attempted  to  impose 
himself  upon  the  community  as  a  lawyer,  and  actually 
carried  the  attempt  so  far  as  to  induce  a  man  who 
was  under  a  charge  of  murder  to  entrust  the  defence 
of  his  life  in  his  hands,  and  finally  took  his  money 
and  got  him  hanged.  Is  this  the  man  that  is  to 
raise  a  breeze  in  his  favor  by  abusing  lawyers?  If 
he  is  not  himself  a  lawyer,  it  is  for  the  lack  of  sense, 
and  not  of  inclination.  If  he  is  not  a  lawyer,  he  is 
a  liar,  for  he  proclaimed  himself  a  lawyer,  and  got  a 
man  hanged  by  depending  on  him. 

Passing  over  such  parts  of  the  article  as  have 
neither  fact  nor  argument  in  them,  I  come  to  the 
question  asked  by  Adams  whether  any  person  ever 
saw  the  assignment  in  his  possession.  This  is  an 
insult  to  common  sense.  Talbott  has  sworn  once  and 
repeated  time  and  again,  that  he  got  it  out  of  Adams's 
possession  and  returned  it  into  the  same  posses- 
sion. Still,  as  though  he  was  addressing  fools,  he 
has  assurance  to  ask  if  any  person  ever  saw  it  in  his 
possession. 

Next  I  quote  a  sentence,  "Now  my  son  Lucian 
swears  that  when  Talbott  called  for  the  deed,  that  he, 
Talbott,  opened  it  and  pointed  out  the  error."  True. 
His  son  Lucian  did  swear  as  he  says ;  and  in  doing  so, 
he  swore  what  I  will  prove  by  his  own  affidavit  to  be 
a  falsehood.  Turn  to  Lucian's  affidavit,  and  you 
will  there  see  that  Talbott  called  for  the  deed  by 
which  to  correct  an  error  on  the  record.  Thus  it  ap- 
pears that  the  error  in  question  was  on  the  record, 


Abraham  Lincoln  183 

and  not  in  the  deed.  How  then  could  Talbott  open 
the  deed  and  point  out  the  error?  Where  a  thing  is 
not,  it  cannot  be  pointed  out.  The  error  was  not  in 
the  deed,  and  of  course  could  not  be  pointed  out  there. 
This  does  not  merely  prove  that  the  error  could  not 
be  pointed  out,  as  Lucian  swore  it  was ;  but  it  proves, 
too,  that  the  deed  was  not  opened  in  his  presence 
with  a  speical  view  to  the  error,  for  if  it  had  been,  he 
could  not  have  failed  to  see  that  there  was  no  error 
in  it.  It  is  easy  enough  to  see  why  Lucian  swore  this. 
His  object  was  to  prove  that  the  assignment  was  not 
in  the  deed  when  Talbott  got  it:  but  it  was  dis- 
covered he  could  not  swear  this  safely,  without  first 
swearing  the  deed  was  opened — and  if  he  swore  it  was 
opened,  he  must  show  a  motive  for  opening  it,  and 
the  conclusion  with  him  and  his  father  was  that 
the  pointing  out  the  error  would  appear  the  most 
plausible. 

For  the  purpose  of  showing  that  the  assignment 
was  not  in  the  bundle  when  Talbott  got  it,  is  the  story 
introduced  into  Lucian 's  affidavit  that  the  deeds 
were  counted.  It  is  a  remarkable  fact,  and  one  that 
should  stand  as  a  warning  to  all  liars  and  fabricat- 
ors, that  in  this  short  affidavit  of  Lucian's  he  only 
attempted  to  depart  from  the  truth,  so  far  as  I  have 
the  means  of  knowing,  in  two  points,  to  wit,  in  the 
opening  the  deed  and  pointing  out  the  error  and  the 
counting  of  the  deeds, — and  in  both  of  these  he  caught 
himself.  About  the  counting,  he  caught  himself 
thus — after  saying  the  bundle  contained  five  deeds 
and  a  lease,  he  proceeds,  "and  I  saw  no  other  papers 
than  the  said  deed  and  lease."  First  he  has  six 


1 84  The  Writings  of 

papers,  and  then  he  saw  none  but  two;  for  "my  son 
Lucian's"  benefit,  let  a  pin  be  stuck  here. 

Adams  again  adduces  the  argument,  that  he  could 
not  have  forged  the  assignment,  for  the  reason  that 
he  could  have  had  no  motive  for  it.  With  those  that 
know  the  facts  there  is  no  absence  of  motive.  Ad- 
mitting the  paper  which  he  has  filed  in  the  suit  to  be 
genuine,  it  is  clear  that  it  cannot  answer  the  pur- 
pose for  which  he  designs  it.  Hence  his  motive 
for  making  one  that  he  supposed  would  answer  is 
obvious.  His  making  the  date  too  old  is  also  easily 
enough  accounted  for.  The  records  were  not  in  his 
hands,  and  then,  there  being  some  considerable  talk 
upon  this  particular  subject,  he  knew  he  could  not 
examine  the  records  to  ascertain  the  precise  dates 
without  subjecting  himself  to  suspicion;  and  hence 
he  concluded  to  try  it  by  guess,  and,  as  it  turned  out, 
missed  it  a  little.  About  Miller's  deposition  I  have 
a  word  to  say.  In  the  first  place,  Miller's  answer  to 
the  first  question  shows  upon  its  face  'that  he  had 
been  tampered  with,  and  the  answer  dictated  to  him. 
He  was  asked  if  he  knew  Joel  Wright  and  James 
Adams;  and  above  three  fourths  of  his  answer  con- 
sists of  what  he  knew  about  Joseph  Anderson,  a  man 
about  whom  nothing  had  been  asked,  nor  a  word 
said  in  the  question — a  fact  that  can  only  be  ac- 
counted for  upon  the  supposition  that  Adams  had 
secretly  told  him  what  he  wished  him  to  swear  to. 

Another  of  Miller's  answers  I  will  prove  both  by 
common  sense  and  the  Court  of  Record  is  untrue. 
To  one  question  he  answers,  "Anderson  brought  a 
suit  against  me  before  James  Adams,  then  an  acting 


Abraham  Lincoln  185 

justice  of  the  peace  in  Sangamon  County,  before 
whom  he  obtained  a  judgment. 

' '  Q. — Did  you  remove  the  same  by  injunction  to  the 
Sangamon  Circuit  Court?  Ans. — I  did  remove  it." 

Now  mark — it  is  said  he  removed  it  by  injunction. 
The  word  "Injunction"  in  common  language  im- 
ports a  command  that  some  person  or  thing  shall  not 
move  or  be  removed;  in  law  it  has  the  same  meaning. 
An  injunction  issuing  out  of  chancery  to  a  justice  of 
the  peace  is  a  command  to  him  to  stop  all  proceed- 
ings in  a  named  case  until  further  orders.  It  is  not 
an  order  to  remove  but  to  stop  or  stay  something  that 
is  already  moving.  Besides  this,  the  records  of  the 
Sangamon  Circuit  Court  show  that  the  judgment  of 
which  Miller  swore  was  never  removed  into  said 
Court  by  injunction  or  otherwise. 

I  have  now  to  take  notice  of  a  part  of  Adams's 
address  which  in  the  order  of  time  should  have  been 
noticed  before.  It  is  in  these  words:  "I  have  now 
shown,  in  the  opinion  of  two  competent  judges,  that 
the  handwriting  of  the  forged  assignment  differed 
from  mine,  and  by  one  of  them  that  it  could  not  be 
mistaken  for  mine."  That  is  false.  Tinsley  no 
doubt  is  the  judge  referred  to ;  and  by  reference  to 
his  certificate  it  will  be  seen  that  he  did  not  say 
the  handwriting  of  the  assignment  could  not  be 
mistaken  for  Adams's — nor  did  he  use  any  other  ex- 
pression substantially,  or  anything  near  substantially, 
the  same.  But  if  Tinsley  had  said  the  handwriting 
could  not  be  mistaken  for  Adams's,  it  would  have 
been  equally  unfortunate  for  Adams:  for  it  then 
would  have  contradicted  Keys,  who  says,  "I  looked 


1 86  The  Writings  of 

at  the  writing  and  judged  it  the  said  Adams's  or  a 
good  imitation." 

Adams  speaks  with  much  apparent  confidence  of 
his  success  on  attending  lawsuits,  and  the  ultimate 
maintenance  of  his  title  to  the  land  in  question.  With- 
out wishing  to  disturb  the  pleasure  of  his  dream,  I 
would  say  to  him  that  it  is  not  impossible  that  he 
may  yet  be  taught  to  sing  a  different  song  in  relation 
to  the  matter. 

At  the  end  of  Miller's  deposition,  Adams  asks, 
"Will  Mr.  Lincoln  now  say  that  he  is  almost  con- 
vinced my  title  to  this  ten  acre  tract  of  land  is 
founded  in  fraud?"  I  answer,  I  will  not.  I  will 
now  change  the  phraseology  so  as  to  make  it  run 
— I  am  quite  convinced,  &c.  I  cannot  pass  in  silence 
Adams's  assertion  that  he  has  proved  that  the  forged 
assignment  was  not  in  the  deed  when  it  came  from 
his  house  by  Talbott,  the  recorder.  In  this,  al- 
though Talbott  has  sworn  that  the  assignment  was 
in  the  bundle  of  deeds  when  it  came  from  his  house, 
Adams  has  the  unaccountable  assurance  to  say  that 
he  has  proved  the  contrary  by  Talbott.  Let  him 
or  his  friends  attempt  to  show  wherein  he  proved 
any  such  thing  by  Talbott. 

In  his  publication  of  the  6th  of  September  he 
hinted  to  Talbott,  that  he  might  be  mistaken.  In  his 
present,  speaking  of  Talbott  and  me  he  says  "They 
may  have  been  imposed  upon."  Can  any  man  of  the 
least  penetration  fail  to  see  the  object  of  this  ?  After 
he  has  stormed  and  raged  till  he  hopes  and  imagines 
he  has  got  us  a  little  scared  he  wishes  to  softly 
whisper  in  our  ears,  "If  you'll  quit  I  will."  If  he 


Abraham  Lincoln  187 

could  get  us  to  say  that  some  unknown,  undefined 
being  had  slipped  the  assignment  into  our  hands 
without  our  knowledge,  not  a  doubt  remains  but  that 
he  would  immediately  discover  that  we  were  the 
purest  men  on  earth.  This  is  the  ground  he  evidently 
wishes  us  to  understand  he  is  willing  to  compromise 
upon.  But  we  ask  no  such  charity  at  his  hands. 
We  are  neither  mistaken  nor  imposed  upon.  We  have 
made  the  statements  we  have  because  we  know  them 
to  be  true  and  we  choose  to  live  or  die  by  them. 

Esq.  Carter,  who  is  Adams's  friend,  personal  and 
political,  will  recollect,  that,  on  the  5th  of  this  month, 
he  (Adams),  with  a  great  affectation  of  modesty, 
declared  that  he  would  never  introduce  his  own 
child  as  a  witness.  Notwithstanding  this  affectation 
of  modesty,  he  has  in  his  present  publication  intro- 
duced his  child  as  witness;  and  as  if  to  show  with 
how  much  contempt  he  could  treat  his  own  declara- 
tion, he  has  had  this  same  Esq.  Carter  to  administer 
the  oath  to  him.  And  so  important  a  witness  does 
he  consider  him,  and  so  entirely  does  the  whole  of 
his  entire  present  production  depend  upon  the  testi- 
mony of  his  child,  that  in  it  he  has  mentioned  "my 
son,"  "my  son  Lucian,"  "Lucian,  my  son,"  and  the 
like  expressions  no  less  than  fifteen  different  times. 
Let  it  be  remembered  here,  that  I  have  shown  the 
affidavit  of  "my  darling  son  Lucian"  to  be  false  by 
the  evidence  apparent  on  its  own  face;  and  I  now 
ask,  if  that  affidavit  be  taken  away  what  foundation 
will  the  fabric  have  left  to  stand  upon  ? 

General  Adams's  publications  and  out-door  ma- 
noeuvring, taken  in  connection  with  the  editorial 


1 88  The  Writings  of 

articles  of  the  Republican,  are  not  more  foolish  and 
contradictory  than  they  are  ludicrous  and  amusing. 
One  week  the  Republican  notifies  the  public  that 
Gen.  Adams  is  preparing  an  instrument  that  will 
tear,  rend,  split,  rive,  blow  up,  confound,  overwhelm, 
annihilate,  extinguish,  exterminate,  burst  asunder, 
and  grind  to  powder  all  its  slanderers,  and  particu- 
larly Talbott  and  Lincoln — all  of  which  is  to  be  done 
in  due  time. 

Then  for  two  or  three  weeks  all  is  calm — not  a 
word  said.  Again  the  Republican  comes  forth  with 
a  mere  passing  remark  that  "public"  opinion  has 
decided  in  favor  of  Gen.  Adams,  and  intimates  that 
he  will  give  himself  no  more  trouble  about  the  matter. 
In  the  meantime  Adams  himself  is  prowling  about 
and,  as  Burns  says  of  the  devil,  "For  prey,  and  holes 
and  corners  tryin',"  and  in  one  instance  goes  so 
far  as  to  take  an  old  acquaintance  of  mine  several 
steps  from  a  crowd  and,  apparently  weighed  down 
with  the  importance  of  his  business,  gravely  and 
solemnly  asks  him  if  "he  ever  heard  Lincoln  say  he 
was  a  deist." 

Anon  the  Republican  comes  again :  ' '  We  invite  the 
attention  of  the  public  to  General  Adams's  com- 
munication, ' '  &c.  ' '  The  victory  is  a  great  one,  the  tri- 
umph is  overwhelming."  I  really  believe  the  editor 
of  the  Illinois  Republican  is  fool  enough  to  think 
General  Adams  leads  off — ' '  Authors  most  egregiously 
mistaken,  &c.  Most  wofully  shall  their  presumption 
be  punished,"  &c.  (Lord  have  mercy  on  us.)  "  The 
hour  is  yet  to  come,  yea,  nigh  at  hand — (how  long 
first  do  you  reckon  ?) — when  the  Journal  and  its  junto 


Abraham  Lincoln  189 

shall  say,  I  have  appeared  too  early."  "  Their  infamy 
shall  be  laid  bare  to  the  public  gaze.1'  Suddenly  the 
General  appears  to  relent  at  the  severity  with  which 
he  is  treating  us  and  he  exclaims:  "The  condem- 
nation of  my  enemies  is  the  inevitable  result  of  my  own 
defense."  For  your  health's  sake,  dear  Gen.,  do  not 
permit  your  tenderness  of  heart  to  afflict  you  so 
much  on  our  account.  For  some  reason  (perhaps 
because  we  are  killed  so  quickly)  we  shall  never  be 
sensible  of  our  suffering. 

Farewell,  General.  I  will  see  you  again  at  court  if 
not  before — when  and  where  we  will  settle  the  ques- 
tion whether  you  or  the  widow  shall  have  the  land. 

A.  LINCOLN. 

October  18,  1837. 


TO   MRS.   O.    H.    BROWNING. 

SPRINGFIELD,  April  i,  1838. 

DEAR  MADAM: — Without  apologizing  for  being 
egotistical,  I  shall  make  the  history  of  so  much  of  my 
life  as  has  elapsed  since  I  saw  you  the  subject  of  this 
letter.  And,  by  the  way,  I  now  discover  that,  in 
order  to  give  a  full  and  intelligible  account  of  the 
things  I  have  done  and  suffered  since  I  saw  you,  I 
shall  necessarily  have  to  relate  some  that  happened 
before. 

It  was,  then,  in  the  autumn  of  1836  that  a  married 
lady  of  my  acquaintance,  and  who  was  a  great  friend 
of  mine,  being  about  to  pay  a  visit  to  her  father  and 
other  relatives  residing  in  Kentucky,  proposed  to  me 


1 90  The  Writings  of 

that  on  her  return  she  would  bring  a  sister  of  hers 
with  her  on  condition  that  I  would  engage  to  become 
her  brother-in-law  with  all  convenient  despatch. 
I,  of  course,  accepted  the  proposal,  for  you  know  I 
could  not  have  done  otherwise  had  I  really  been 
averse  to  it;  but  privately,  between  you  and  me,  I 
was  most  confoundedly  well  pleased  with  the  pro- 
ject. I  had  seen  the  said  sister  some  three  years 
before,  thought  her  intelligent  and  agreeable,  and 
saw  no  good  objection  to  plodding  life  through  hand 
in  hand  with  her.  Time  passed  on;  the  lady  took 
her  journey  and  in  due  time  returned,  sister  in  com- 
pany, sure  enough.  This  astonished  me  a  little,  for 
it  appeared  to  me  that  her  coming  so  readily  showed 
that  she  was  a  trifle  too  willing,  but  on  reflection  it 
occurred  to  me  that  she  might  have  been  prevailed 
on  by  her  married  sister  to  come  without  anything 
concerning  me  ever  having  been  mentioned  to  her, 
and  so  I  concluded  that  if  no  other  objection  pre- 
sented itself,  I  would  consent  to  waive  this.  All 
this  occurred  to  me  on  hearing  of  her  arrival  in 
the  neighborhood — for,  be  it  remembered,  I  had  not 
yet  seen  her,  except  about  three  years  previous,  as 
above  mentioned.  In  a  few  days  we  had  an  inter- 
view, and,  although  I  had  seen  her  before,  she  did 
not  look  as  my  imagination  had  pictured  her.  I 
knew  she  was  over-size,  but  she  now  appeared  a  fair 
match  for  Falstaff.  I  knew  she  was  called  an  "old 
maid,"  and  I  felt  no  doubt  of  the  truth  of  at  least 
half  of  the  appellation,  but  now,  when  I  beheld  her, 
I  could  not  for  my  life  avoid  thinking  of  my  mother ; 
and  this,  not  from  withered  features, — for  her  skin 


Abraham  Lincoln  191 

was  too  full  of  fat  to  permit  of  its  contracting  into 
wrinkles, — but  from  her  want  of  teeth,  weather- 
beaten  appearance  in  general,  and  from  a  kind  of 
notion  that  ran  in  my  head  that  nothing  could  have 
commenced  at  the  size  of  infancy  and  reached  her 
present  bulk  in  less  than  thirty-five  or  forty  years; 
and,  in  short,  I  was  not  at  all  pleased  with  her.  But 
what  could  I  do  ?  I  had  told  her  sister  that  I  would 
take  her  for  better  or  for  worse,  and  I  made  a  point 
of  honor  and  conscience  in  all  things  to  stick  to  my 
word,  especially  if  others  had  been  induced  to  act 
on  it,  which  in  this  case  I  had  no  doubt  they  had,  for 
I  was  now  fairly  convinced  that  no  other  man 
on  earth  would  have  her,  and  hence  the  conclusion 
that  they  were  bent  on  holding  me  to  my  bargain. 
"Well,"  thought  I,  "I  have  said  it,  and,  be  the  con- 
sequences what  they  may,  it  shall  not  be  my  fault  if  I 
fail  to  do  it."  At  once  I  determined  to  consider  her 
my  wife ;  and,  this  done,  all  my  powers  of  discovery 
were  put  to  work  in  search  of  perfections  in  her  which 
might  be  fairly  set  off  against  her  defects.  I  tried  to 
imagine  her  handsome,  which,  but  for  her  unfortu- 
nate corpulency,  was  actually  true.  Exclusive  of 
this,  no  woman  that  I  have  ever  seen  has  a  finer  face. 
I  also  tried  to  convince  myself  that  the  mind  was 
much  more  to  be  valued  than  the  person ;  and  in  this 
she  was  not  inferior,  as  I  could  discover,  to  any  with 
whom  I  had  been  acquainted. 

Shortly  after  this,  without  coming  to  any  posi- 
tive understanding  with  her,  I  set  out  for  Vandalia, 
when  and  where  you  first  saw  me.  During  my  stay 
there  I  had  letters  from  her  which  did  not  change 


192  The  Writings  of 

my  opinion  of  either  her  intellect  or  intention,  but 
on  the  contrary  confirmed  it  in  both. 

All  this  while,  although  I  was  fixed,  "firm  as 
the  surge-repelling  rock,"  in  my  resolution,  I  found 
I  was  continually  repenting  the  rashness  which  had 
led  me  to  make  it.  Through  life,  I  have  been  in 
no  bondage,  either  real  or  imaginary,  from  the  thral- 
dom of  which  I  so  much  desired  to  be  free.  After 
my  return  home,  I  saw  nothing  to  change  my  opin- 
ions of  her  in  any  particular.  She  was  the  same, 
and  so  was  I.  I  now  spent  my  time  in  planning  how 
I  might  get  along  through  life  after  my  contem- 
plated change  of  circumstances  should  have  taken 
place,  and  how  I  might  procrastinate  the  evil  day 
for  a  time,  which  I  really  dreaded  as  much,  perhaps 
more,  than  an  Irishman  does  the  halter. 

After  all  my  suffering  upon  this  deeply  interest- 
ing subject,  here  I  am,  wholly,  unexpectedly,  com- 
pletely, out  of  the  "scrape";  and  now  I  want  to 
know  if  you  can  guess  how  I  got  out  of  it — out, 
clear,  in  every  sense  of  the  term;  no  violation  of 
word,  honor,  or  conscience.  I  don't  believe  you  can 
guess,  and  so  I  might  as  well  tell  you  at  once.  As 
the  lawyer  says,  it  was  done  in  the  manner  follow- 
ing, to  wit:  After  I  had  delayed  the  matter  as  long 
as  I  thought  I  could  in  honor  do  (which,  by  the 
way,  had  brought  me  round  into  the  last  fall),  I 
concluded  I  might  as  well  bring  it  to  a  consumma- 
tion without  further  delay;  and  so  I  mustered  my 
resolution,  and  made  the  proposal  to  her  direct; 
but,  shocking  to  relate,  she  answered,  No.  At  first 
I  supposed  she  did  it  through  an  affectation  of 


Abraham  Lincoln  193 

modesty,  which  I  thought  but  ill  became  her  under 
the  peculiar  circumstances  of  her  case;  but  on  my 
renewal  of  the  charge,  I  found  she  repelled  it  with 
greater  firmness  than  before.  I  tried  it  again  and 
again,  but  with  the  same  success,  or  rather  with  the 
same  want  of  success. 

I  finally  was  forced  to  give  it  up;  at  which  I 
very  unexpectedly  found  myself  mortified  almost 
beyond  endurance.  I  was  mortified,  it  seemed  to 
me,  in  a  hundred  different  ways.  My  vanity  was 
deeply  wounded  by  the  reflection  that  I  had  been  too 
stupid  to  discover  her  intentions,  and  at  the  same 
time  never  doubting  that  I  understood  them  perfect- 
ly, and  also  that  she,  whom  I  had  taught  myself 
to  believe  nobody  else  would  have,  had  actually 
rejected  me  with  all  my  fancied  greatness.  And,  to 
cap  the  whole,  I  then  for  the  first  time  began  to 
suspect  that  I  was  really  a  little  in  love  with  her. 
But  let  it  all  go.  I  '11  try  and  outlive  it.  Others 
have  been  made  fools  of  by  the  girls,  but  this  can 
never  with  truth  be  said  of  me.  I  most  emphati- 
cally, in  this  instance,  made  a  fool  of  myself.  I  have 
now  come  to  the  conclusion  never  again  to  think  of 
marrying,  and  for  this  reason :  I  can  never  be  satisfied 
with  any  one  who  would  be  blockhead  enough  to 
have  me. 

When  you  receive  this,  write  me  a  long  yarn 
about  something  to  amuse  me.  Give  my  respects  to 
Mr.  Browning. 

Your  sincere  friend, 

A.  LINCOLN. 

you.,  i. — 13. 


194  The  Writings  of 

REMARKS    IN   THE    ILLINOIS   LEGISLATURE. 
IN  THE  HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES,  January  17,  1839. 

Mr.  Lincoln,  from  Committee  on  Finance,  to 
which  the  subject  was  referred,  made  a  report  on  the 
subject  of  purchasing  of  the  United  States  all  the 
unsold  lands  lying  within  the  limits  of  the  State  of 
Illinois,  accompanied  by  resolutions  that  this  State 
propose  to  purchase  all  unsold  lands  at  twenty-five 
cents  per  acre,  and  pledging  the  faith  of  the  State  to 
carry  the  proposal  into  effect  if  the  government 
accept  the  same  within  two  years. 

Mr.  Lincoln  thought  the  resolutions  ought  to  be 
seriously  considered.  In  reply  to  the  gentleman 
from  Adams,  he  said  that  it  was  not  to  enrich  the 
State.  The  price  of  the  lands  may  be  raised,  it  was 
thought  by  some;  by  others,  that  it  would  be  re- 
duced. The  conclusion  in  his  mind  was  that  the 
representatives  in  this  Legislature  from  the  country 
in  which  the  lands  lie  would  be  opposed  to  raising 
the  price,  because  it  would  operate  against  the  settle- 
ment of  the  lands.  He  referred  to  the  lands  in  the 
military  tract.  They  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of 
large  speculators  in  consequence  of  the  low  price. 
He  was  opposed  to  a  low  price  of  land.  He  thought 
it  was  adverse  to  the  interests  of  the  poor  settler, 
because  speculators  buy  them  up.  He  was  opposed 
to  a  reduction  of  the  price  of  public  lands. 

Mr.  Lincoln  referred  to  some  official  documents 
emanating  from  Indiana,  and  compared  the  pro- 
gressive population  of  the  two  States.  Illinois  had 


Abraham  Lincoln  195 

gained  upon  that  State  under  the  public  land  system 
as  it  is.  His  conclusion  was  that  ten  years  from  this 
time  Illinois  would  have  no  more  public  land  unsold 
than  Indiana  now  has.  He  referred  also  to  Ohio. 
That  State  had  sold  nearly  all  her  public  lands. 
She  was  but  twenty  years  ahead  of  us,  and  as  our 
lands  were  equally  salable — more  so,  as  he  main- 
tained— we  should  have  no  more  twenty  years  from 
now  than  she  has  at  present. 

Mr.  Lincoln  referred  to  the  canal  lands,  and  sup- 
posed that  the  policy  of  the  State  would  be  different 
in  regard  to  them,  if  the  representatives  from  that  sec- 
tion of  country  could  themselves  choose  the  policy; 
but  the  representatives  from  other  parts  of  the  State 
had  a  veto  upon  it,  and  regulated  the  policy.  He 
thought  that  if  the  State  had  all  the  lands,  the  policy 
of  the  Legislature  would  be  more  liberal  to  all  sections. 

He  referred  to  the  policy  of  the  General  Govern- 
ment. He  thought  that  if  the  national  debt  had  not 
been  paid,  the  expenses  of  the  government  would 
not  have  doubled,  as  they  had  done  since  that  debt 
was  paid. 


TO ROW. 

SPRINGFIELD,  June  n,  1839. 

DEAR  Row : 

Mr.  Redman  informs  me  that  you  wish  me  to 
write  you  the  particulars  of  a  conversation  between 
Dr.  Felix  and  myself  relative  to  you.  The  Dr. 
overtook  me  between  Rushville  and  Beardstown. 

He,  after  learning  that  I  had  lived  at  Springfield, 


196  The  Writings  of 

asked  if  I  was  acquainted  with  you.  I  told  him  I  was. 
He  said  you  had  lately  been  elected  constable  in 
Adams,  but  that  you  never  would  be  again.  I  asked 
him  why.  He  said  the  people  there  had  found  out 
that  you  had  been  sheriff  or  deputy  sheriff  in 
Sangamon  County,  and  that  you  came  off  and  left 
your  securities  to  suffer.  He  then  asked  me  if  I  did 
not  know  such  to  be  the  fact.  I  told  him  I  did  not 
think  you  had  ever  been  sheriff  or  deputy  sheriff  in 
Sangamon,  but  that  I  thought  you  had  been  con- 
stable. I  further  told  him  that  if  you  had  left  your 
securities  to  suffer  in  that  or  any  other  case,  I  had 
never  heard  of  it,  and  that  if  it  had  been  so,  I  thought 
I  would  have  heard  of  it. 

If  the  Dr.  is  telling  that  I  told  him  anything  against 
you  whatever,  I  authorize  you  to  contradict  it  flatly. 
We  have  no  news  here. 

Your  friend,  as  ever, 

A.  LINCOLN. 


SPEECH  AT  A  POLITICAL  DISCUSSION  IN  THE  HALL  OF 

THE  HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES  AT 

SPRINGFIELD,  ILLINOIS. 

December  [20?],  1839. 

(From  a  pamphlet  copy  in  possession  of  Hon.  T.  J. 
Henderson,  Illinois.) 

FELLOW-CITIZENS: — It  is  peculiarly  embarrassing 
to  me  to  attempt  a  continuance  of  the  discussion,  on 
this  evening,  which  has  been  conducted  in  this  hall 
on  several  preceding  ones.  It  is  so  because  on  each 


Abraham  Lincoln  197 

of  those  evenings  there  was  a  much  fuller  attendance 
than  now,  without  any  reason  for  its  being  so,  except 
the  greater  interest  the  community  feel  in  the 
speakers  who  addressed  them  then  than  they  do  in 
him  who  is  to  do  so  now.  I  am,  indeed,  apprehen- 
sive that  the  few  who  have  attended  have  done  so 
more  to  spare  me  mortification  than  in  the  hope  of 
being  interested  in  anything  I  may  be  able  to  say. 
This  circumstance  casts  a  damp  upon  my  spirits, 
which  I  am  sure  I  shall  be  unable  to  overcome  dur- 
ing the  evening.  But  enough  of  preface. 

The  subject  heretofore  and  now  to  be  discussed 
is  the  subtreasury  scheme  of  the  present  administra- 
tion, as  a  means  of  collecting,  safe-keeping,  transfer- 
ring, and  disbursing,  the  revenues  of  the  nation,  as 
contrasted  with  a  national  bank  for  the  same  pur- 
poses. Mr.  Douglas  has  said  that  we  (the  Whigs) 
have  not  dared  to  meet  them  (the  Locos)  in  argument 
on  this  question.  I  protest  against  this  assertion. 
I  assert  that  we  have  again  and  again,  during  this 
discussion,  urged  facts  and  arguments  against  the 
subtreasury  which  they  have  neither  dared  to  deny 
nor  attempted  to  answer.  But  lest  some  may  be  led 
to  believe  that  we  really  wish  to  avoid  the  question, 
I  now  propose,  in  my  humble  way,  to  urge  those 
arguments  again;  at  the  same  time  begging  the 
audience  to  mark  well  the  positions  I  shall  take  and 
the  proof  I  shall  offer  to  sustain  them,  and  that  they 
will  not  again  permit  Mr.  Douglas  or  his  friends  to 
escape  the  force  of  them  by  a  round  and  groundless 
assertion  that  we  "dare  not  meet  them  in  argument." 

Of  the  subtreasury,  then,   as  contrasted  with  a 


The  Writings  of 

national  bank  for  the  before-enumerated  purposes, 
I  lay  down  the  following  propositions,  to  wit:  (i) 
It  will  injuriously  affect  the  community  by  its  opera- 
tion on  the  circulating  medium.  (2)  It  will  be  a 
more  expensive  fiscal  agent.  (3)  It  will  be  a  less 
secure  depository  of  the  public  money.  To  show 
the  truth  of  the  first  proposition,  let  us  take  a  short 
review  of  our  condition  under  the  operation  of  a 
national  bank.  It  was  the  depository  of  the  public 
revenues.  Between  the  collection  of  those  revenues 
and  the  disbursement  of  them  by  the  government, 
the  bank  was  permitted  to  and  did  actually  loan 
them  out  to  individuals,  and  hence  the  large  amount 
of  money  actually  collected  for  revenue  purposes, 
which  by  any  other  plan  would  have  been  idle  a 
great  portion  of  the  time,  was  kept  almost  constantly 
in  circulation.  Any  person  who  will  reflect  that 
money  is  only  valuable  while  in  circulation  will 
readily  perceive  that  any  device  which  will  keep  the 
government  revenues  in  constant  circulation,  instead 
of  being  locked  up  in  idleness,  is  no  inconsiderable 
advantage.  By  the  subtreasury  the  revenue  is  to  be 
collected  and  kept  in  iron  boxes  until  the  govern- 
ment wants  it  for  disbursement;  thus  robbing  the 
people  of  the  use  of  it,  while  the  government  does  not 
itself  need  it,  and  while  the  money  is  performing  no 
nobler  office  than  that  of  rusting  in  iron  boxes. 
The  natural  effect  of  this  change  of  policy,  every  one 
will  see,  is  to  reduce  the  quantity  of  money  in  circu- 
lation. But,  again,  by  the  subtreasury  scheme  the 
revenue  is  to  be  collected  in  specie.  I  anticipate 
that  this  will  be  disputed.  I  expect  to  hear  it  said 


Abraham  Lincoln  199 

that  it  is  not  the  policy  of  the  administration  to 
collect  the  revenue  in  specie.  If  it  shall,  I  reply  that 
Mr.  Van  Buren,  in  his  message  recommending  the 
subtreasury,  expended  nearly  a  column  of  that 
document  in  an  attempt  to  persuade  Congress  to 
provide  for  the  collection  of  the  revenue  in  specie 
exclusively;  and  he  concludes  with  these  words: 
"It  may  be  safely  assumed  that  no  motive  of  con- 
venience to  the  citizens  requires  the  reception  of 
bank  paper."  In  addition  to  this,  Mr.  Silas  Wright, 
Senator  from  New  York,  and  the  political,  personal 
and  confidential  friend  of  Mr.  Van  Buren,  drafted 
and  introduced  into  the  Senate  the  first  subtreasury 
bill,  and  that  bill  provided  for  ultimately  collecting 
the  revenue  in  specie.  It  is  true,  I  know,  that  that 
clause  was  stricken  from  the  bill,  but  it  was  done  by 
the  votes  of  the  Whigs,  aided  by  a  portion  only  of 
the  Van  Buren  senators.  No  subtreasury  bill  has 
yet  become  a  law,  though  two  or  three  have  been 
considered  by  Congress,  some  with  and  some  without 
the  specie  clause;  so  that  I  admit  there  is  room  for 
quibbling  upon  the  question  of  whether  the  admin- 
istration favor  the  exclusive  specie  doctrine  or  not; 
but  I  take  it  that  the  fact  that  the  President  at 
first  urged  the  specie  doctrine,  and  that  under  his 
recommendation  the  first  bill  introduced  embraced  it, 
warrants  us  in  charging  it  as  the  policy  of  the  party 
until  their  head  as  publicly  recants  it  as  he  at  first 
espoused  it.  I  repeat,  then,  that  by  the  subtreasury 
the  revenue  is  to  be  collected  in  specie.  Now  mark 
what  the  effect  of  this  must  be.  By  all  estimates 
ever  made  there  are  but  between  sixty  and  eighty 


200  The  Writings  of 

millions  of  specie  in  the  United  States.  The  ex- 
penditures of  the  Government  for  the  year  1838 — • 
the  last  for  which  we  have  had  the  report — were 
forty  millions.  Thus  it  is  seen  that  if  the  whole 
revenue  be  collected  in  specie,  it  will  take  more  than 
half  of  all  the  specie  in  the  nation  to  do  it.  By  this 
means  more  than  half  of  all  the  specie  belonging  to 
the  fifteen  millions  of  souls  who  compose  the  whole 
population  of  the  country  is  thrown  into  the  hands 
of  the  public  office-holders,  and  other  public  creditors 
comprising  in  number  perhaps  not  more  than  one 
quarter  of  a  million,  leaving  the  other  fourteen 
millions  and  three  quarters  to  get  along  as  they  best 
can,  with  less  than  one  half  of  the  specie  of  the 
country,  and  whatever  rags  and  shinplasters  they 
may  be  able  to  put,  and  keep,  in  circulation.  By 
this  means,  every  office-holder  and  other  public 
creditor  may,  and  most  likely  will,  set  up  shaver; 
and  a  most  glorious  harvest  will  the  specie-men  have 
of  it, — each  specie-man,  upon  a  fair  division,  having 
to  his  share  the  fleecing  of  about  fifty-nine  rag-men. 
In  all  candor  let  me  ask,  was  such  a  system  for 
benefiting  the  few  at  the  expense  of  the  many  ever 
before  devised?  And  was  the  sacred  name  of 
Democracy  ever  before  made  to  indorse  such  an 
enormity  against  the  rights  of  the  people  ? 

I  have  already  said  that  the  subtreasury  will 
reduce  the  quantity  of  money  in  circulation.  This 
position  is  strengthened  by  the  recollection  that  the 
revenue  is  to  be  collected  in  specie,  so  that  the  mere 
amount  of  revenue  is  not  all  that  is  withdrawn, 
but  the  amount  of  paper  circulation  that  the  forty 


Abraham  Lincoln  201 

millions  would  serve  as  a  basis  to  is  withdrawn,  which 
would  be  in  a  sound  state  at  least  one  hundred 
millions.  When  one  hundred  millions,  or  more,  of 
the  circulation  we  now  have  shall  be  withdrawn, 
who  can  contemplate  without  terror  the  distress, 
ruin,  bankruptcy,  and  beggary  that  must  follow? 
The  man  who  has  purchased  any  article — say  a 
horse — on  credit,  at  one  hundred  dollars,  when  there 
are  two  hundred  millions  circulating  in  the  country, 
if  the  quantity  be  reduced  to  one  hundred  millions 
by  the  arrival  of  pay-day,  will  find  the  horse  but 
sufficient  to  pay  half  the  debt;  and  the  other  half 
must  either  be  paid  out  of  his  other  means,  and 
thereby  become  a  clear  loss  to  him,  or  go  unpaid, 
and  thereby  become  a  clear  loss  to  his  creditor. 
What  I  have  here  said  of  a  single  case  of  the  purchase 
of  a  horse  will  hold  good  in  every  case  of  a  debt 
existing  at  the  time  a  reduction  in  the  quantity  of 
money  occurs,  by  whomsoever,  and  for  whatsoever, 
it  may  have  been  contracted.  It  may  be  said  that 
what  the  debtor  loses  the  creditor  gains  by  this 
operation;  but  on  examination  this  will  be  found 
true  only  to  a  very  limited  extent.  It  is  more 
generally  true  that  all  lose  by  it — the  creditor  by 
losing  more  of  his  debts  than  he  gains  by  the  in- 
creased value  of  those  he  collects;  the  debtor  by 
either  parting  with  more  of  his  property  to  pay  his 
debts  than  he  received  in  contracting  them,  or  by 
entirely  breaking  up  his  business,  and  thereby  being 
thrown  upon  the  world  in  idleness. 

The  general  distress  thus  created  will,  to  be  sure, 
be  temporary,  because,  whatever  change  may  occur 


202  The  Writings  of 

in  the  quantity  of  money  in  any  community,  time 
will  adjust  the  derangement  produced;  but  while 
that  adjustment  is  progressing,  all  suffer  more  or 
less,  and  very  many  lose  everything  that  renders 
life  desirable.  Why,  then,  shall  we  suffer  a  severe 
difficulty,  even  though  it  be  but  temporary,  unless 
we  receive  some  equivalent  for  it  ? 

What  I  have  been  saying  as  to  the  effect  produced 
by  a  reduction  of  the  quantity  of  money  relates  to  the 
whole  country.  I  now  propose  to  show  that  it  would 
produce  a  peculiar  and  permanent  hardship  upon  the 
citizens  of  those  States  and  Territories  in  which  the 
public  lands  lie.  The  land-offices  in  those  States  and 
Territories,  as  all  know,  form  the  great  gulf  by  which 
all,  or  nearly  all,  the  money  in  them  is  swallowed  up. 
When  the  quantity  of  money  shall  be  reduced,  and 
consequently  everything  under  individual  control 
brought  down  in  proportion,  the  price  of  those  lands, 
being  fixed  by  law,  will  remain  as  now.  Of  necessity 
it  will  follow  that  the  produce  or  labor  that  now 
raises  money  sufficient  to  purchase  eighty  acres  will 
then  raise  but  sufficient  to  purchase  forty,  or  perhaps 
not  that  much ;  and  this  difficulty  and  hardship  will 
last  as  long,  in  some  degree,  as  any  portion  of  these 
lands  shall  remain  undisposed  of.  Knowing,  as  I 
well  do,  the  difficulty  that  poor  people  now  encounter 
in  procuring  homes,  I  hesitate  not  to  say  that  when 
the  price  of  the  public  lands  shall  be  doubled  or 
trebled,  or,  which  is  the  same  thing,  produce  and 
labor  cut  down  to  one  half  or  one  third  of  their 
present  prices,  it  will  be  little  less  than  impossible 
for  them  to  procure  those  homes  at  all. 


Abraham  Lincoln  203 

In  answer  to  what  I  have  said  as  to  the  effect  the 
subtreasury  would  have  upon  the  currency,  it  is 
often  urged  that  the  money  collected  for  revenue 
purposes  will  not  lie  idle  in  the  vaults  ot  the  treasury ; 
and,  farther,  that  a  national  bank  produces  greater 
derangement  in  the  currency,  by  a  system  of  con- 
tractions and  expansions,  than  the  subtreasury 
would  produce  in  any  way.  In  reply,  I  need  only 
show  that  experience  proves  the  contrary  of  both 
these  propositions.  It  is  an  undisputed  fact  that  the 
late  Bank  of  the  United  States  paid  the  government 
$75,000  annually  for  the  privilege  of  using  the  public 
money  between  the  times  of  its  collection  and  dis- 
bursement. Can  any  man  suppose  that  the  bank 
would  have  paid  this  sum  annually  for  twenty  years, 
and  then  offered  to  renew  its  obligations  to  do  so,  if 
in  reality  there  was  no  time  intervening  between  the 
collection  and  disbursement  of  the  revenue,  and  con- 
sequently no  privilege  of  using  the  money  extended 
to  it?  Again,  as  to  the  contractions  and  expansions 
of  a  national  bank,  I  need  only  point  to  the  period 
intervening  between  the  time  that  the  late  bank  got 
into  successful  operation  and  that  at  which  the 
government  commenced  war  upon  it,  to  show  that 
during  that  period  no  such  contractions  or  expan- 
sions took  place.  If,  before  or  after  that  period, 
derangement  occurred  in  the  currency,  it  proves 
nothing.  The  bank  could  not  be  expected  to  regu- 
late the  currency  either  before  it  got  into  successful 
operation  or  after  it  was  crippled  and  thrown  into 
death  convulsions,  by  the  removal  of  the  deposits  from 
it,  and  other  hostile  measures  of  the  government 


204  The  Writings  of 

against  it.  We  do  not  pretend  that  a  national  bank 
can  establish  and  maintain  a  sound  and  uniform 
state  of  currency  in  the  country,  in  spite  of  the 
National  Government;  but  we  do  say  that  it  has 
established  and  maintained  such  a  currency,  and  can 
do  so  again,  by  the  aid  of  that  government ;  and  we 
further  say  that  no  duty  is  more  imperative  on  that 
government  than  the  duty  it  owes  the  people  of 
furnishing  them  a  sound  and  uniform  currency. 

I  now  leave  the  proposition  as  to  the  effect  of  the 
subtreasury  upon  the  currency  of  the  country,  and 
pass  to  that  relative  to  the  additional  expense  which 
must  be  incurred  by  it  over  that  incurred  by  a 
national  bank  as  a  fiscal  agent  of  the  government. 
By  the  late  national  bank  we  had  the  public  revenue 
received,  safely  kept,  transferred,  and  disbursed, 
not  only  without  expense,  but  we  actually  received 
of  the  bank  $75,000  annually  for  its  privileges  while 
rendering  us  those  services.  By  the  subtreasury, 
according  to  the  estimate  of  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury,  who  is  the  warm  advocate  of  the  system 
(and  which  estimate  is  the  lowest  made  by  any  one), 
the  same  services  are  to  cost  $60,000.  Mr.  Rives, 
who,  to  say  the  least,  is  equally  talented  and  honest, 
estimates  that  these  services,  under  the  subtreasury 
system,  cannot  cost  less  than  $600,000.  For  the  sake 
of  liberality,  let  us  suppose  that  the  estimates  of  the 
secretary  and  Mr.  Rives  are  the  two  extremes,  and 
that  their  mean  is  about  the  true  estimate,  and  we 
shall  then  find  that  when  to  that  sum  is  added  the 
$75,000  which  the  bank  paid  us,  the  difference 
between  the  two  systems,  in  favor  of  the  bank  and 


Abraham  Lincoln  205 

against  the  subtreasury,  is  $405,000  a  year.  This 
sum,  though  small  when  compared  to  the  many 
millions  annually  expended  by  the  General  Govern- 
ment, is,  when  viewed  by  itself,  very  large;  and 
much  too  large,  when  viewed  in  any  light,  to  be 
thrown  away  once  a  year  for  nothing.  It  is  sufficient 
to  pay  the  pensions  of  more  than  four  thousand 
Revolutionary  soldiers,  or  to  purchase  a  forty -acre 
tract  of  government  land  for  each  one  of  more  than 
eight  thousand  poor  families. 

To  the  argument  against  the  subtreasury  on  the 
score  of  additional  expense,  its  friends,  so  far  as  I 
know,  attempt  no  answer.  They  choose,  so  far  as  I 
can  learn,  to  treat  the  throwing  away  of  $405,000 
once  a  year  as  a  matter  entirely  too  small  to  merit 
their  Democratic  notice. 

I  now  come  to  the  proposition  that  it  would  be  less 
secure  than  a  national  bank  as  a  depository  of  the 
public  money.  The  experience  of  the  past,  I  think, 
proves  the  truth  of  this.  And  here,  inasmuch  as  I 
rely  chiefly  upon  experience  to  establish  it,  let  me 
.ask  how  is  it  that  we  know  anything — that  any 
event  will  occur,  that  any  combination  of  circum- 
stances will  produce  a  certain  result — except  by 
the  analogies  of  past  experience?  What  has  once 
happened  will  invariably  happen  again  when  the 
same  circumstances  which  combined  to  produce  it 
shall  again  combine  in  the  same  way.  We  all  feel 
that  we  know  that  a  blast  of  wind  would  extinguish 
the  flame  of  the  candle  that  stands  by  me.  How  do 
we  know  it?  We  have  never  seen  this  flame  thus 
extinguished.  We  know  it  because  we  have  seen 


206  The  Writings  of 

through  all  our  lives  that  a  blast  of  wind  extinguishes 
the  flame  of  a  candle  whenever  it  is  thrown  fully  upon 
it.  Again,  we  all  feel  to  know  that  we  have  to  die. 
How?  We  have  never  died  yet.  We  know  it  be- 
cause we  know,  or  at  least  think  we  know,  that  of  all 
the  beings,  just  like  ourselves,  who  have  been  coming 
into  the  world  for  six  thousand  years,  not  one  is  now 
living  who  was  here  two  hundred  years  ago.  I 
repeat,  then,  that  we  know  nothing  of  what  will 
happen  in  future,  but  by  the  analogy  of  experience, 
and  that  the  fair  analogy  of  past  experience  fully 
proves  that  the  subtreasury  would  be  a  less  safe 
depository  of  the  public  money  than  a  national  bank. 
Examine  it.  By  the  subtreasury  scheme  the  public 
money  is  to  be  kept,  between  the  times  of  its  collec- 
tion and  disbursement,  by  treasurers  of  the  mint, 
custom-house  officers,  land  officers,  and  some  new 
officers  to  be  appointed  in  the  same  way  that  those 
first  enumerated  are.  Has  a  year  passed,  since  the 
organization  of  the  government,  that  numerous 
defalcations  have  not  occurred  among  this  class  of 
officers?  Look  at  Swartwout  with  his  $1,200,000, 
Price  with  his  $75,000,  Harris  with  his  $109,000, 
Hawkins  with  his  $100,000,  Linn  with  his  $55,000, 
together  with  some  twenty-five  hundred  lesser  lights. 
Place  the  public  money  again  in  these  same  hands, 
and  will  it  not  again  go  the  same  way?  Most  as- 
suredly it  will.  But  turn  to  the  history  of  the 
national  banks  in  this  country,  and  we  shall  there 
see  that  those  banks  performed  the  fiscal  operations 
of  the  government  through  a  period  of  forty  years, 
received,  safely  kept,  transferred,  disbursed  an 


Abraham  Lincoln  207 

aggregate  of  nearly  five  hundred  millions  of  dollars ; 
and  that,  in  all  this  time,  and  with  all  that  money, 
not  one  dollar,  nor  one  cent,  did  the  government  lose 
by  them.  Place  the  public  money  again  in  a  similar 
depository,  and  will  it  not  again  be  safe?  But,  con- 
clusive as  the  experience  of  fifty  years  is  that  indi- 
viduals are  unsafe  depositories  of  the  public  money, 
and  of  forty  years  that  national  banks  are  safe  de- 
positories, we  are  not  left  to  rely  solely  upon  that 
experience  for  the  truth  of  those  propositions.  If 
experience  were  silent  upon  the  subject,  conclusive 
reasons  could  be  shown  for  the  truth  of  them. 

It  is  often  urged  that  to  say  the  public  money  will 
be  more  secure  in  a  national  bank  than  in  the  hands 
of  individuals,  as  proposed  in  the  subtreasury,  is  to 
say  that  bank  directors  and  bank  officers  are  more 
honest  than  sworn  officers  of  the  government.  Not 
so.  We  insist  on  no  such  thing.  We  say  that  public 
officers,  selected  with  reference  to  their  capacity  and 
honesty  (which,  by  the  way,  we  deny  is  the  practice 
in  these  days),  stand  an  equal  chance,  precisely,  of 
being  capable  and  honest  with  bank  officers  selected 
by  the  same  rule.  We  further  say  that,  with  how- 
ever much  care  selections  may  be  made,  there  will  be 
some  unfaithful  and  dishonest  in  both  classes.  The 
experience  of  the  whole  world,  in  all  bygone  times, 
proves  this  true.  The  Saviour  of  the  world  chose 
twelve  disciples,  and  even  one  of  that  small  number, 
selected  by  superhuman  wisdom,  turned  out  a  traitor 
and  a  devil.  And  it  may  not  be  improper  here  to  add 
that  Judas  carried  the  bag — was  the  subtreasurer  of 
the  Saviour  and  His  disciples.  We,  then,  do  not  say 


208  The  Writings  of 

— nor  need  we  say  to  maintain  our  proposition — 
that  bank  officers  are  more  honest  than  government 
officers  selected  by  the  same  rule.  What  we  do  say 
is  that  the  interest  of  the  subtreasurer  is  against  his 
duty,  while  the  interest  of  the  bank  is  on  the  side  of 
its  duty.  Take  instances :  A  subtreasurer  has  in  his 
hands  one  hundred  thousand  dollars  of  public  money ; 
his  duty  says,  "You  ought  to  pay  this  money  over," 
but  his  interest  says,  "You  ought  to  run  away  with 
this  sum,  and  be  a  nabob  the  balance  of  your  life." 
And  who  that  knows  anything  of  human  nature 
doubts  that  in  many  instances  interest  will  prevail 
over  duty,  and  that  the  subtreasurer  will  prefer 
opulent  knavery  in  a  foreign  land  to  honest  poverty 
at  home?  But  how  different  is  it  with  a  bank. 
Besides  the  government  money  deposited  with  it, 
it  is  doing  business  upon  a  large  capital  of  its  own. 
If  it  proves  faithful  to  the  government,  it  continues 
its  business;  if  unfaithful,  it  forfeits  its  charter, 
breaks  up  its  business,  and  thereby  loses  more  than 
all  it  can  make  by  seizing  upon  the  government 
funds  in  its  possession.  Its  interest,  therefore,  is  on 
the  side  of  its  duty — is  to  be  faithful  to  the  govern- 
ment— and  consequently  even  the  dishonest  amongst 
its  managers  have  no  temptation  to  be  faithless  to 
it.  Even  if  robberies  happen  in  the  bank,  the  losses 
are  borne  by  the  bank,  and  the  government  loses 
nothing.  It  is  for  this  reason,  then,  that  we  say  a 
bank  is  the  more  secure.  It  is  because  of  that 
admirable  feature  in  the  bank  system  which  places 
the  interest  and  the  duty  of  the  depository  both  on 
one  side;  whereas  that  feature  can  never  enter  into 


Abraham  Lincoln  209 

the  subtreasury  system.  By  the  latter  the  interest 
of  the  individuals  keeping  the  public  money  will 
wage  an  eternal  war  with  their  duty,  and  in  very 
many  instances  must  be  victorious.  In  answer  to 
the  argument  drawn  from  the  fact  that  individual 
depositories  of  public  money  have  always  proved 
unsafe,  it  is  urged  that,  even  if  we  had  a  national 
bank,  the  money  has  to  pass  through  the  same 
individual  hands  that  it  will  under  the  subtreasury. 
This  is  only  partially  true  in  fact,  and  wholly  fal- 
lacious in  argument.  It  is  only  partially  true  in  fact, 
because  by  the  subtreasury  bill  four  receivers-general 
are  to  be  appointed  by  the  President  and  Senate. 
These  are  new  officers,  and  consequently  it  cannot 
be  true  that  the  money,  or  any  portion  of  it,  has 
heretofore  passed  through  their  hands.  These  four 
new  officers  are  to  be  located  at  New  York,  Boston, 
Charleston,  and  St.  Louis,  and  consequently  are  to  be 
depositories  of  all  the  money  collected  at  or  near 
those  points ;  so  that  more  than  three  fourths  of  the 
public  money  will  fall  into  the  keeping  of  these  four 
new  officers,  who  did  not  exist  as  officers  under  the 
national-bank  system.  It  is  only  partially  true, 
then,  that  the  money  passes  through  the  same  hands, 
under  a  national  bank,  as  it  would  do  under  the 
subtreasury.  It  is  true  that  under  either  system 
individuals  must  be  employed  as  collectors  of  the 
customs,  receivers  at  the  land-offices,  etc.,  but  the 
difference  is  that  under  the  bank  system  the  receivers 
of  all  sorts  receive  the  money  and  pay  it  over  to  the 
bank  once  a  week  when  the  collections  are  large,  and 
once  a  month  when  they  are  small ;  whereas  by  the 


VOL.  I. — 14. 


210  The  Writings  of 

subtreasury  system  individuals  are  not  only  to  col- 
lect the  money,  but  they  are  to  keep  it  also,  or  pay  it 
over  to  other  individuals  equally  unsafe  as  them- 
selves, to  be  by  them  kept  until  it  is  wanted  for  dis- 
bursement. It  is  during  the  time  that  it  is  thus  lying 
idle  in  their  hands  that  opportunity  is  afforded  and 
temptation  held  out  to  them  to  embezzle  and  escape 
with  it.  By  the  bank  system  each  collector  or  re- 
ceiver is  to  deposit  in  bank  all  the  money  in  his 
hands  at  the  end  of  each  month  at  most,  and  to  send 
the  bank  certificates  of  deposit  to  the  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury.  Whenever  that  certificate  of  deposit 
fails  to  arrive  at  the  proper  time,  the  secretary  knows 
that  the  officer  thus  failing  is  acting  the  knave ;  and, 
if  he  is  himself  disposed  to  do  his  duty,  he  has  him 
immediately  removed  from  office,  and  thereby  cuts 
him  off  from  the  possibility  of  embezzling  but  little 
more  than  the  receipts  of  a  single  month.  But  by  the 
subtreasury  system  the  money  is  to  lie  month  after 
month  in  the  hands  of  individuals;  larger  amounts 
are  to  accumulate  in  the  hands  of  the  receivers-general 
and  some  others,  by  perhaps  ten  to  one,  than  ever 
accumulated  in  the  har  is  of  individuals  before ;  yet 
during  all  this  time,  in  relation  to  this  great  stake, 
the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  can  comparatively 
know  nothing.  Reports,  to  be  sure,  he  will  have; 
but  reports  are  often  false,  and  always  false  when 
made  by  a  knave  to  cloak  his  knavery.  Long  ex- 
perience has  shown  that  nothing  short  of  an  actual 
demand  of  the  money  will  expose  an  adroit  peculator. 
Ask  him  for  reports,  and  he  will  give  them  to  your 
heart's  content ;  send  agents  to  examine  and  count 


Abraham  Lincoln  211 

the  money  in  his  hands,  and  he  will  borrow  of  a  friend, 
merely  to  be  counted  and  then  returned,  a  sufficient 
sum  to  make  the  sum  square.  Try  what  you  will,  it 
will  all  fail  till  you  demand  the  money;  then,  and 
not  till  then,  the  truth  will  come. 

The  sum  of  the  whole  matter  I  take  to  be  this: 
Under  the  bank  system,  while  sums  of  money,  by  the 
law,  were  permitted  to  lie  in  the  hands  of  individuals 
for  very  short  periods  only,  many  and  very  large 
defalcations  occurred  by  those  individuals.  Under 
the  subtreasury  system  much  larger  sums  are  to  lie 
in  the  hands  of  individuals  for  much  longer  periods, 
thereby  multiplying  temptation  in  proportion  as  the 
sums  are  larger,  and  multiplying  opportunity  in  pro- 
portion as  the  periods  are  longer  to  and  for  those 
individuals  to  embezzle  and  escape  with  the  public 
treasure;  and  therefore,  just  in  the  proportion  that 
the  temptation  and  the  opportunity  are  greater  under 
the  subtreasury  than  the  bank  system,  will  the  pecu- 
lations and  defalcations  be  greater  under  the  former 
than  they  have  been  under  the  latter.  The  truth  of 
this,  independent  of  actual  experience,  is  but  little 
less  than  self-evident.  I  therefore  leave  it. 

But  it  is  said,  and  truly  too,  that  there  is  to  be  a 
penitentiary  department  to  the  subtreasury.  This, 
the  advocates  of  the  system  will  have  it,  will  be  a 
"king  cure-all."  Before  I  go'farther,  may  I  not  ask 
if  the  penitentiary  department  is  not  itself  an  ad- 
mission that  they  expect  the  public  money  to  be 
stolen  ?  Why  build  the  cage  if  they  expect  to  catch 
no  birds?  But  as  to  the  question  how  effectual  the 
penitentiary  will  be  in  preventing  defalcations: 


212  The  Writings  of 

How  effectual  have  penitentiaries  heretofore  been 
in  preventing  the  crimes  they  were  established  to 
suppress?  Has  not  confinement  in  them  long  been 
the  legal  penalty  of  larceny,  forgery,  robbery,  and 
many  other  crimes,  in  almost  all  the  States?  And 
yet  are  not  those  crimes  committed  weekly,  daily, — 
nay,  and  even  hourly, — in  every  one  of  those  States? 
Again,  the  gallows  has  long  been  the  penalty  of 
murder,  and  yet  we  scarcely  open  a  newspaper  that 
does  not  relate  a  new  case  of  that  crime.  If,  then, 
the  penitentiary  has  ever  heretofore  failed  to  prevent 
larceny,  forgery,  and  robbery,  and  the  gallows  and 
halter  have  likewise  failed  to  prevent  murder,  by 
what  process  of  reasoning,  I  ask,  is  it  that  we  are  to 
conclude  the  penitentiary  will  hereafter  prevent  the 
stealing  of  the  public  money?  But  our  opponents 
seem  to  think  they  answer  the  charge  that  the  money 
will  be  stolen  fully  if  they  can  show  that  they  will 
bring  the  offenders  to  punishment.  Not  so.  Will 
the  punishment  of  the  thief  bring  back  the  stolen 
money  ?  No  more  so  than  the  hanging  of  a  murderer 
restores  his  victim  to  life.  What  is  the  object 
desired?  Certainly  not  the  greatest  number  of 
thieves  we  can  catch,  but  that  the  money  may  not  be 
stolen.  If,  then,  any  plan  can  be  devised  for  deposit- 
ing the  public  treasure  where  it  will  never  be  stolen, 
never  embezzled,  is  not  that  the  plan  to  be  adopted  ? 
Turn,  then,  to  a  national  bank,  and  you  have  that 
plan,  fully  and  completely  successful,  as  tested  by 
the  experience  of  forty  years. 

I  have  now  done  with  the  three  propositions  that 
the  sub  treasury  would  injuriously  affect  the  currency 


Abraham  Lincoln  213 

and  would  be  more  expensive  and  less  secure  as  a 
depository  of  the  public  money  than  a  national  bank. 
How  far  I  have  succeeded  in  establishing  their  truth, 
is  for  others  to  judge.  Omitting,  for  want  of  time, 
what  I  had  intended  to  say  as  to  the  effect  of  the  sub- 
treasury  to  bring  the  public  money  under  the  more 
immediate  control  of  the  President  than  it  has  ever 
heretofore  been,  I  now  ask  the  audience,  when  Mr. 
Calhoun  shall  answer  me,  to  hold  him  to  the  ques- 
tions. Permit  him  not  to  escape  them.  Require 
him  either  to  show  that  the  subtreasury  would  not 
injuriously  affect  the  currency,  or  that  we  should  in 
some  way  receive  an  equivalent  for  that  injurious 
effect.  Require  him  either  to  show  that  the  sub- 
treasury  would  not  be  more  expensive  as  a  fiscal 
agent  than  a  bank,  or  that  we  should  in  some  way 
be  compensated  for  that  additional  expense.  And 
particularly  require  him  to  show  that  the  public 
money  would  be  as  secure  in  the  subtreasury  as  in 
a  national  bank,  or  that  the  additional  insecurity 
would  be  overbalanced  by  some  good  result  of  the 
proposed  change. 

No  one  of  them,  in  my  humble  judgment,  will  he 
be  able  to  do ;  and  I  venture  the  prediction,  and  ask 
that  it  may  be  especially  noted,  that  he  will  not 
attempt  to  answer  the  proposition  that  the  sub- 
treasury  would  be  more  expensive  than  a  national 
bank  as  a  fiscal  agent  of  the  government. 

As  a  sweeping  objection  to  a  national  bank,  and 
consequently  an  argument  in  favor  of  the  subtreas- 
ury as  a  substitute  for  it,  it  often  has  been  urged, 
and  doubtless  will  be  again,  that  such  a  bank  is 


214  The  Writings  of 

unconstitutional.  We  have  often  heretofore  shown, 
and  therefore  need  not  in  detail  do  so  again,  that  a 
majority  of  the  Revolutionary  patriarchs,  who  ever 
acted  officially  upon  the  question,  commencing  with 
General  Washington,  and  embracing  General  Jack- 
son, the  larger  number  of  the  signers  of  the  Declara- 
tion, and  of  the  framers  of  the  Constitution,  who 
were  in  the  Congress  of  1 791 ,  have  decided  upon  their 
oaths  that  such  a  bank  is  constitutional.  We  have 
also  shown  that  the  votes  of  Congress  have  more 
often  been  in  favor  of  than  against  its  constitution- 
ality. In  addition  to  all  this,  we  have  shown  that 
the  Supreme  Court — that  tribunal  which  the  Con- 
stitution has  itself  established  to  decide  constitu- 
tional questions — has  solemnly  decided  that  such  a 
bank  is  constitutional.  Protesting  that  these  au- 
thorities ought  to  settle  the  question, — ought  to  be 
conclusive, — I  will  not  urge  them  further  now.  I 
now  propose  to  take  a  view  of  the  question  which  I 
have  not  known  to  be  taken  by  any  one  before.  It 
is  that  whatever  objection  ever  has  or  ever  can  be 
made  to  the  constitutionality  of  a  bank  will  apply 
with  equal  force,  in  its  whole  length,  breadth,  and 
proportions,  to  the  subtreasury.  Our  opponents  say 
there  is  no  express  authority  in  the  Constitution  to 
establish  a  bank,  and  therefore  a  bank  is  uncon- 
stitutional; but  we  with  equal  truth  may  say  there 
is  no  express  authority  in  the  Constitution  to  estab- 
lish a  subtreasury,  and  therefore  a  subtreasury  is 
unconstitutional.  Who,  then,  has  the  advantage  of 
this  "express  authority"  argument?  Does  it  not 
cut  equally  both  ways  ?  Does  it  not  wound  them  as 


Abraham  Lincoln  215 

deeply  and  as  deadly  as  it  does  us?  Our  position 
is  that  both  are  constitutional.  The  Constitution 
enumerates  expressly  several  powers  which  Congress 
may  exercise,  super  added  to  which  is  a  general 
authority  "to  make  all  laws  necessary  and  proper" 
for  carrying  into  effect  all  the  powers  vested  by  the 
Constitution  in  the  Government  of  the  United  States. 
One  of  the  express  powers  given  Congress  is  "to  lay 
and  collect  taxes,  duties,  imports,  and  excises;  to 
pay  the  debts  and  provide  for  the  common  defense 
and  general  welfare  of  the  United  States."  Now, 
Congress  is  expressly  authorized  to  make  all  laws 
necessary  and  proper  for  carrying  this  power  into 
execution.  To  carry  it  into  execution  it  is  indis- 
pensably necessary  to  collect,  safely  keep,  transfer, 
and  disburse  a  revenue.  To  do  this,  a  bank  is 
' '  necessary  and  proper. ' '  But,  say  our  opponents,  to 
authorize  the  making  of  a  bank,  the  necessity  must 
be  so  great  that  the  power  just  recited  would  be 
nugatory  without  it;  and  that  that  necessity  is 
expressly  negatived  by  the  fact  that  they  have  got 
along  ten  whole  years  without  such  a  bank.  Im- 
mediately we  turn  on  them,  and  say  that  that  sort  of 
necessity  for  a  subtreasury  does  not  exist,  because 
we  have  got  along  forty  whole  years  without  one. 
And  this  time  it  may  be  observed  that  we  are  not 
merely  equal  with  them  in  the  argument,  but  we 
beat  them  forty  to  ten,  or,  which  is  the  same  thing, 
four  to  one.  On  examination,  it  will  be  found  that 
the  absurd  rule  which  prescribes  that  before  we  can 
constitutionally  adopt  a  national  bank  as  a  fiscal 
agent,  we  must  show  an  indispensable  necessity  for 


216  The  Writings  of 

it,  will  exclude  every  sort  of  fiscal  agent  that  the 
mind  of  man  can  conceive.  A  bank  is  not  indis- 
pensable, because  we  can  take  the  subtreasury;  the 
subtreasury  is  not  indispensable,  because  we  can  take 
the  bank.  The  rule  is  too  absurd  to  need  further 
comment.  Upon  the  phrase  '  'necessary  and  proper ' ' 
in  the  Constitution,  it  seems  to  me  more  reasonable 
to  say  that  some  fiscal  agent  is  indispensably  neces- 
sary; but  inasmuch  as  no  particular  sort  of  agent  is 
thus  indispensable,  because  some  other  sort  might 
be  adopted,  we  are  left  to  choose  that  sort  of  agent 
which  may  be  most  ' '  proper ' '  on  grounds  of  expedi- 
ency. But  it  is  said  the  Constitution  gives  no  power 
to  Congress  to  pass  acts  of  incorporation.  Indeed! 
What  is  the  passing  an  act  of  incorporation  but  the 
making  of  a  law?  Is  any  one  wise  enough  to  tell? 
The  Constitution  expressly  gives  Congress  power 
"to  pass  all  laws  necessary  and  proper,"  etc.  If, 
then,  the  passing  of  a  bank  charter  be  the  "making  a 
law  necessary  and  proper"  is  it  not  clearly  within  the 
constitutional  power  of  Congress  to  do  so? 

I  now  leave  the  bank  and  the  subtreasury  to  try 
to  answer,  in  a  brief  way,  some  of  the  arguments 
which  on  previous  evenings  here  have  been  urged 
by  Messrs.  Lamborn  and  Douglas.  Mr.  Lamborn 
admits  that  "errors,"  as  he  charitably  calls  them, 
have  occurred  under  the  present  and  late  administra- 
tions; but  he  insists  that  as  great  "errors"  have 
occurred  under  all  administrations.  This  we  re- 
spectfully deny.  We  admit  that  errors  may  have 
occurred  under  all  administrations,  but  we  insist 
that  there  is  no  parallel  between  them  and  those 


Abraham  Lincoln  217 

of  the  two  last.  If  they  can  show  that  their 
errors  are  no  greater  in  number  and  magnitude  than 
those  of  former  times,  we  call  off  the  dogs.  But 
they  can  do  no  such  thing.  To  be  brief,  I  will 
now  attempt  a  contrast  of  the  "errors"  of  the  two 
latter  with  those  of  former  administrations,  in  rela- 
tion to  the  public  expenditures  only.  What  I  am 
now  about  to  say  as  to  the  expenditures  will  be,  in 
all  cases,  exclusive  of  payments  on  the  national  debt. 
By  an  examination  of  authentic  public  documents, 
consisting  of  the  regular  series  of  annual  reports 
made  by  all  the  secretaries  of  the  treasury  from  the 
establishment  of  the  government  down  to  the  close  of 
the  year  1 8  3  8 ,  the  following  contrasts  will  be  presented : 

(1)  The  last  ten  years  under  General  Jackson  and 
Mr.   Van   Buren  cost  more  money  than  the  first 
twenty-seven  did  (including  the  heavy  expenses  of 
the  late  British  war)   under  Washington,   Adams, 
Jefferson,  and  Madison. 

(2)  The  last  year  of  J.  Q.  Adams's  administration 
cost,  in  round  numbers,  thirteen  millions,  being  about 
one  dollar  to  each  soul  in  the  nation;  the  last  (1838) 
of  Mr.  Van  Buren 's  cost  forty  millions,  being  about 
two  dollars  and  fifty  cents  to  each  soul,  and  being 
larger  than  the  expenditure  of  Mr.  Adams  in  the 
proportion  of  five  to  two. 

(3)  The  highest  annual  expenditure  during  the  late 
British  war — being  in  1814,  and  while  we  had  in 
actual  service  rising  188,000  militia,  together  with 
the  whole  regular  army,   swelling  the  number  to 
greatly  over  200,000,  and  they  to  be  clad,  fed,  and 
transported  from  point  to  point,  with  great  rapidity 


218  The  Writings  of 

and  corresponding  expense,  and  to  be  furnished  with 
arms  and  ammunition,  and  they  to  be  transported  in 
like  manner,  and  at  like  expense — was  no  more  in 
round  numbers  than  thirty  millions;  whereas  the 
annual  expenditure  of  1838,  under  Mr.  Van  Buren, 
and  while  we  were  at  peace  with  every  government 
in  the  world,  was  forty  millions;  being  over  the 
highest  year  of  the  late  and  very  expensive  war  in 
the  proportion  of  four  to  three. 

(4)  General  Washington  administered  the  govern- 
ment eight  years  for  sixteen  millions;  Mr.  Van 
Buren  administered  it  one  year  (1838)  for  forty 
millions ;  so  that  Mr.  Van  Buren  expended  twice  and 
a  half  as  much  in  one  year  as  General  Washington  did 
in  eight,  and  being  in  the  proportion  of  twenty  to  one ; 
or  in  other  words,  had  General  Washington  admin- 
istered the  government  twenty  years  at  the  same 
average  expense  that  he  did  for  eight,  he  would  have 
carried  us  through  the  whole  twenty  for  no  more 
money  than  Mr.  Van  Buren  has  expended  in  getting 
us  through  the  single  one  of  1838.  Other  facts 
equally  astounding  might  be  presented  from  the 
same  authentic  documents;  but  I  deem  the  fore- 
going abundantly  sufficient  to  establish  the  pro- 
position that  there  is  no  parallel  between  the  "errors" 
of  the  present  and  late  administrations  and  those  of 
former  times,  and  that  Mr.  Van  Buren  is  wholly  out 
of  the  line  of  all  precedents. 

But  Mr.  Douglas,  seeing  that  the  enormous  ex- 
penditure of  1838  has  no  parallel  in  the  olden  times, 
comes  in  with  a  long  list  of  excuses  for  it.  This  list 
of  excuses  I  will  rapidly  examine,  and  show,  as  I 


Abraham  Lincoln  219 

think,  that  the  few  of  them  which  are  true  prove 
nothing,  and  that  the  majority  of  them  are  wholly 
untrue  in  fact.  He  first  says  that  the  expenditures 
of  that  one  year  were  made  under  the  appropriations 
of  Congress — one  branch  of  which  was  a  Whig  body. 
It  is  true  that  those  expenditures  were  made  under 
the  appropriations  of  Congress ;  but  it  is  untrue  that 
either  branch  of  Congress  was  a  Whig  body.  The 
Senate  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  administra- 
tion more  than  a  year  before,  as  proven  by  the  pas- 
sage of  the  Expunging  Resolution,  and  at  the  time 
those  appropriations  were  made  there  were  too  few 
Whigs  in  that  body  to  make  a  respectable  struggle, 
in  point  of  numbers,  upon  any  question.  This  is 
notorious  to  all.  The  House  of  Representatives  that 
voted  those  appropriations  was  the  same  that  first 
assembled  at  the  called  session  of  September,  1838. 
Although  it  refused  to  pass  the  subtreasury  bill,  a 
majority  of  its  members  were  elected  as  friends  of  the 
administration,  and  proved  their  adherence  to  it  by 
the  election  of  a  Van  Buren  speaker,  and  two  Van 
Buren  clerks.  It  is  clear,  then,  that  both  branches 
of  the  Congress  that  passed  those  appropriations 
were  in  the  hands  of  Mr.  Van  Buren's  friends,  so  that 
the  Whigs  had  no  power  to  arrest  them,  as  Mr. 
Douglas  would  insist.  And  is  not  the  charge  of 
extravagant  expenditures  equally  well  sustained,  if 
shown  to  have  been  made  by  a  Van  Buren  Congress, 
as  if  shown  to  have  been  made  in  any  other  way? 
A  Van  Buren  Congress  passed  the  bills,  and  Mr.  Van 
Buren  himself  approved  them,  and  consequently  the 
party  are  wholly  responsible  for  them. 


220  The  Writings  of 

Mr.  Douglas  next  says  that  a  portion  of  the  ex- 
penditures of  that  year  was  made  for  the  purchase  of 
public  lands  from  the  Indians.  Now  it  happens  that 
no  such  purchase  was  made  during  that  year.  It  is 
true  that  some  money  was  paid  that  year  in  pur- 
suance of  Indian  treaties ;  but  no  more,  or  rather  not 
as  much  as  had  been  paid  on  the  same  account  in 
each  of  several  preceding  years. 

Next  he  says  that  the  Florida  war  created  many 
millions  of  this  year's  expenditure.  This  is  true, 
and  it  is  also  true  that  during  that  and  every  other 
year  that  that  war  has  existed,  it  has  cost  three  or 
four  times  as  much  as  it  would  have  done  under  an 
honest  and  judicious  administration  of  the  govern- 
ment. The  large  sums  foolishly,  not  to  say  cor- 
ruptly, thrown  away  in  that  war  constitute  one  of  the 
just  causes  of  complaint  against  the  administration. 
Take  a  single  instance.  The  agents  of  the  govern- 
ment in  connection  with  that  war  needed  a  certain 
steamboat;  the  owner  proposed  to  sell  it  for  ten 
thousand  dollars;  the  agents  refused  to  give  that 
sum,  but  hired  the  boat  at  one  hundred  dollars  per 
day,  and  kept  it  at  that  hire  till  it  amounted  to 
ninety-two  thousand  dollars.  This  fact  is  not  found 
in  the  public  reports,  but  depends,  with  me,  on 
the  verbal  statement  of  an  officer  of  the  navy,  who 
says  he  knows  it  to  be  true.  That  the  adminis- 
tration ought  to  be  credited  for  the  reasonable  ex- 
penses of  the  Florida  war,  we  have  never  denied. 
Those  reasonable  charges,  we  say,  could  not  exceed 
one  or  two  millions  a  year.  Deduct  such  a  sum 
from  the  forty-million  expenditure  of  1838,  and  the 


Abraham  Lincoln  221 

remainder  will  still  be  without  a  parallel  as  an  annual 
expenditure. 

Again,  Mr.  Douglas  says  that  the  removal  of  the 
Indians  to  the  country  west  of  the  Mississippi 
created  much  of  the  expenditure  of  1838.  I  have 
examined  the  public  documents  in  relation  to  this 
matter,  and  find  that  less  was  paid  for  the  removal  of 
Indians  in  that  than  in  some  former  years.  The 
whole  sum  expended  on  that  account  in  that  year  did 
not  much  exceed  one  quarter  of  a  million.  For  this 
small  sum,  although  we  do  not  think  the  administra- 
tion entitled  to  credit  because  large  sums  have  been 
expended  in  the  same  way  in  former  years,  we  con- 
sent it  may  take  one  and  make  the  most  of  it. 

Next,  Mr.  Douglas  says  that  five  millions  of  the 
expenditures  of  1838  consisted  of  the  payment  of  the 
French  indemnity  money  to  its  individual  claimants. 
I  have  carefully  examined  the  public  documents,  and 
thereby  find  this  statement  to  be  wholly  untrue. 
Of  the  forty  millions  of  dollars  expended  in  1838,  I 
am  enabled  to  say  positively  that  not  one  dollar 
consisted  of  payments  on  the  French  indemnities. 
So  much  for  that  excuse. 

Next  comes  the  post-office.  He  says  that  five 
millions  were  expended  during  that  year  to  sustain 
that  department.  By  a  like  examination  of  public 
documents,  I  find  this  also  wholly  untrue.  Of  the  so 
often  mentioned  forty  millions,  not  one  dollar  went 
to  the  post-office.  I  am  glad,  however,  that  the 
post-office  has  been  referred  to,  because  it  warrants 
me  in  digressing  a  little  to  inquire  how  it  is  that  that 
department  of  the  government  has  become  a  charge 


222  The  Writings  of 

upon  the  treasury,  whereas  under  Mr.  Adams  and 
the  Presidents  before  him  it  not  only,  to  use  a  homely 
phrase,  cut  its  own  fodder,  but  actually  threw  a 
surplus  into  the  treasury.  Although  nothing  of  the 
forty  millions  was  paid  on  that  account  in  1838,  it  is 
true  that  five  millions  are  appropriated  to  be  so  ex- 
pended in  1839;  showing  clearly  that  the  depart- 
ment has  become  a  charge  upon  the  treasury.  How 
has  this  happened?  I  account  for  it  in  this  way: 
The  chief  expense  of  the  Post-office  Department 
consists  of  the  payments  of  contractors  for  carrying 
the  mail.  Contracts  for  carrying  the  mails  are  by  law 
let  to  the  lowest  bidders,  after  advertisement.  This 
plan  introduces  competition,  and  insures  the  trans- 
portation of  the  mails  at  fair  prices,  so  long  as  it 
is  faithfully  adhered  to.  It  has  ever  been  adhered 
to  until  Mr.  Barry  was  made  Postmaster-General. 
When  he  came  into  office,  he  formed  the  purpose  of 
throwing  the  mail  contracts  into  the  hands  of  his 
friends,  to  the  exclusion  of  his  opponents.  To  effect 
this,  the  plan  of  letting  to  the  lowest  bidder  must  be 
evaded,  and  it  must  be  done  in  this  way :  the  favor- 
ite bid  less  by  perhaps  three  or  four  hundred  per 
cent,  than  the  contract  could  be  performed  for,  and 
consequently,  shutting  out  all  honest  competition, 
became  the  contractor.  The  Postmaster-General 
would  immediately  add  some  slight  additional  duty 
to  the  contract,  and  under  the  pretense  of  extra 
allowance  for  extra  services  run  the  contract  to 
double,  triple,  and  often  quadruple  what  honest  and 
fair  bidders  had  proposed  to  take  it  at.  In  1834  the 
finances  of  the  department  had  become  so  deranged 


Abraham  Lincoln  223 

that  total  concealment  was  not  longer  possible,  and 
consequently  a  committee  of  the  Senate  were  directed 
to  make  a  thorough  investigation  of  its  affairs. 
Their  report  is  found  in  the  Senate  Documents  of 
1833-4,  Vol.V.,  Doc.  422;  which  documents  may  be 
seen  at  the  secretary's  office,  and  I  presume  elsewhere 
in  the  State.  The  report  shows  numerous  cases  of 
similar  import,  of  one  of  which  I  give  the  substance. 
The  contract  for  carrying  the  mail  upon  a  certain 
route  had  expired,  and  of  course  was  to  be  let  again. 
The  old  contractor  offered  to  take  it  for  $300  a  year, 
the  mail  to  be  transported  thereon  three  times  a  week, 
or  for  $600  transported  daily.  One  James  Reeside 
bid  $40  for  three  times  a  week,  or  $99  daily,  and  of 
course  received  the  contract.  On  the  examination 
of  the  committee,  it  was  discovered  that  Reeside  had 
received  for  the  service  on  this  route,  which  he  had 
contracted  to  render  for  less  than  $100,  the  enormous 
sum  of  $1999!  This  is  but  a  single  case.  Many 
similar  ones,  covering  some  ten  or  twenty  pages  of  a 
large  volume,  are  given  in  that  report.  The  depart- 
ment was  found  to  be  insolvent  to  the  amount  of  half 
a  million,  and  to  have  been  so  grossly  mismanaged, 
or  rather  so  corruptly  managed,  in  almost  every 
particular,  that  the  best  friends  of  the  Postmaster- 
General  made  no  defence  of  his  administration  of  it. 
They  admitted  that  he  was  wholly  unqualified  for 
that  office ;  but  still  he  was  retained  in  it  by  the  Presi- 
dent until  he  resigned  it  voluntarily  about  a  year 
afterward.  And  when  he  resigned  it,  what  do  you 
think  became  of  him  ?  Why,  he  sunk  into  obscurity 
and  disgrace,  to  be  sure,  you  will  say.  No  such  thing. 


224  The  Writings  of 

Well,  then,  what  did  become  of  him?  Why,  the 
President  immediately  expressed  his  high  disappro- 
bation of  his  almost  unequalled  incapacity  and  cor- 
ruption by  appointing  him  to  a  foreign  mission,  with 
a  salary  and  outfit  of  $18,000  a  year!  The  party 
now  attempt  to  throw  Barry  off,  and  to  avoid  the 
responsibility  of  his  sins.  Did  not  the  President 
indorse  those  sins  when,  on  the  very  heel  of  their 
commission,  he  appointed  their  author  to  the  very 
highest  and  most  honorable  office  in  his  gift,  and 
which  is  but  a  single  step  behind  the  very  goal  of 
American  political  ambition  ? 

I  return  to  another  of  Mr.  Douglas's  excuses  for  the 
expenditures  of  1838,  at  the  same  time  announcing 
the  pleasing  intelligence  that  this  is  the  last  one. 
He  says  that  ten  millions  of  that  year's  expenditure 
was  a  contingent  appropriation,  to  prosecute  an 
anticipated  war  with  Great  Britain  on  the  Maine 
boundary  question.  Few  words  will  settle  this. 
Firs  I,  that  the  ten  millions  appropriated  was  not 
made  till  1839,  and  consequently  could  not  have 
been  expended  in  1838;  second,  although  it  was 
appropriated,  it  has  never  been  expended  at  all. 
Those  who  heard  Mr.  Douglas  recollect  that  he  in- 
dulged himself  in  a  contemptuous  expression  of  pity 
for  me.  "Now  he's  got  me,"  thought  I.  But 
when  he  went  on  to  say  that  five  millions  of  the 
expenditure  of  1838  were  payments  of  the  French 
indemnities,  which  I  knew  to  be  untrue;  that  five 
millions  had  been  for  the  post-office,  which  I  knew 
to  be  untrue;  that  ten  millions  had  been  for  the 
Maine  boundary  war,  which  I  not  only  knew  to  be 


Abraham  Lincoln  225 

untrue,  but  supremely  ridiculous  also;  and  when  I 
saw  that  he  was  stupid  enough  to  hope  that  I  would 
permit  such  groundless  and  audacious  assertions 
to  go  unexposed, — I  readily  consented  that,  on  the 
score  both  of  veracity  and  sagacity,  the  audience 
should  judge  whether  he  or  I  were  the  more  deserving 
of  the  world's  contempt. 

Mr.  Lamborn  insists  that  the  difference  between 
the  Van  Buren  party  and  the  Whigs  is  that,  although 
the  former  sometimes  err  in  practice,  they  are  always 
correct  in  principle,  whereas  the  latter  are  wrong  in 
principle;  and,  better  to  impress  this  proposition, 
he  uses  a  figurative  expression  in  these  words:  "The 
Democrats  are  vulnerable  in  the  heel,  but  they  are 
sound  in  the  head  and  the  heart."  The  first  branch 
of  the  figure — that  is,  that  the  Democrats  are  vul- 
nerable in  the  heel — I  admit  is  not  merely  fig- 
uratively, but  literally  true.  Who  that  looks  but  for 
a  moment  at  their  Swartwouts,  their  Prices,  their 
Harringtons,  and  their  hundreds  of  others,  scamper- 
ing away  with  the  public  money  to  Texas,  to  Europe, 
and  to  every  spot  of  the  earth  where  a  villain  may 
hope  to  find  refuge  from  justice,  can  at  all  doubt  that 
they  are  most  distressingly  affected  in  their  heels 
with  a  species  of  "running  itch"  ?  It  seems  that  this 
malady  of  their  heels  operates  on  these  sound-headed 
and  honest-hearted  creatures  very  much  like  the 
cork  leg  in  the  comic  song  did  on  its  owner:  which, 
when  he  had  once  got  started  on  it,  the  more  he 
tried  to  stop  it,  the  more  it  would  run  away.  At  the 
hazard  of  wearing  this  point  threadbare,  I  will  relate 
an  anecdote  which  seems  too  strikingly  in  point  to 


VOL.  I.— IS. 


226  The  Writings  of 

be  omitted.  A  witty  Irish  soldier,  who  was  always 
boasting  of  his  bravery  when  no  danger  was  near,  but 
who  invariably  retreated  without  orders  at  the  first 
charge  of  an  engagement,  being  asked  by  his  captain 
why  he  did  so,  replied:  "Captain,  I  have  as  brave  a 
heart  as  Julius  Caesar  ever  had;  but,  somehow  or 
other,  whenever  danger  approaches,  my  cowardly 
legs  will  run  away  with  it."  So  with  Mr.  Lamborn's 
party.  They  take  the  public  money  into  their  hand 
for  the  most  laudable  purpose  that  wise  heads  and 
honest  hearts  can  dictate;  but  before  they  can 
possibly  get  it  out  again,  their  rascally  "vulnerable 
heels"  will  run  away  with  them. 

Seriously  this  proposition  of  Mr.  Lamborn  is 
nothing  more  or  less  than  a  request  that  his  party 
may  be  tried  by  their  professions  instead  of  their 
practices.  Perhaps  no  position  that  the  party  as- 
sumes is  more  liable  to  or  more  deserving  of  ex- 
posure than  this  very  modest  request;  and  nothing 
but  the  unwarrantable  length  to  which  I  have  already 
extended  these  remarks  forbids  me  now  attempting 
to  expose  it.  For  the  reason  given,  I  pass  it  by. 

I  shall  advert  to  but  one  more  point.  Mr.  Lam- 
born  refers  to  the  late  elections  in  the  States,  and 
from  their  results  confidently  predicts  that  every 
State  in  the  Union  will  vote  for  Mr.  Van  Buren  at 
the  next  Presidential  election.  Address  that  argu- 
ment to  cowards  and  to  knaves;  with  the  free  and 
the  brave  it  will  effect  nothing.  It  may  be  true;  if 
it  must,  let  it.  Many  free  countries  have  lost  their 
liberty,  and  ours  may  lose  hers;  but  if  she  shall,  be 
it  my  proudest  plume,  not  that  I  was  the  last  to 


Abraham  Lincoln  227 

desert,  but  that  I  never  deserted  her.  I  know  that 
the  great  volcano  at  Washington,  aroused  and  di- 
rected by  the  evil  spirit  that  reigns  there,  is  belch- 
ing forth  the  lava  of  political  corruption  in  a  current 
broad  and  deep,  which  is  sweeping  with  frightful 
velocity  over  the  whole  length  and  breadth  of  the 
land,  bidding  fair  to  leave  unscathed  no  green  spot 
or  living  thing;  while  on  its  bosom  are  riding,  like 
demons  on  the  waves  of  hell,  the  imps  of  that  evil 
spirit,  and  fiendishly  taunting  all  those  who  dare  resist 
its  destroying  course  with  the  hopelessness  of  their 
effort;  and,  knowing  this,  I  cannot  deny  that  all 
may  be  swept  away.  Broken  by  it  I,  too,  may  be; 
bow  to  it  I  never  will.  The  probability  that  we  may 
fall  in  the  struggle  ought  not  to  deter  us  from  the  sup- 
port of  a  cause  we  believe  to  be  just ;  it  shall  not  deter 
me.  If  ever  I  feel  the  soul  within  me  elevate  and 
expand  to  those  dimensions  not  wholly  unworthy 
of  its  almighty  Architect,  it  is  when  I  contemplate 
the  cause  of  my  country  deserted  by  all  the  world 
beside,  and  I  standing  up  boldly  and  alone,  and 
hurling  defiance  at  her  victorious  oppressors.  Here, 
without  contemplating  consequences,  before  high 
heaven  and  in  the  face  of  the  world,  I  swear  eternal 
fidelity  to  the  just  cause,  as  I  deem  it,  of  the  land 
of  my  life,  my  liberty,  and  my  love.  And  who  that 
thinks  with  me  will  not  fearlessly  adopt  the  oath 
that  I  take?  Let  none  falter  who  thinks  he  is  right, 
and  we  may  succeed.  But  if,  after  all,  we  shall  fail, 
be  it  so.  We  still  shall  have  the  proud  consolation 
of  saying  to  our  consciences,  and  to  the  departed 
shade  of  our  country's  freedom,  that  the  cause 


228  The  Writings  of 

approved  of  our  judgment,  and  adored  of  our  hearts, 
in  disaster,  in  chains,  in  torture,  in  death,  we  never 
faltered  in  defending. 


TO    JOHN    T.    STUART. 

SPRINGFIELD,  December  23,  1839. 

DEAR  STUART  : 

Dr.  Henry  will  write  you  all  the  political  news.  I 
write  this  about  some  little  matters  of  business. 
You  recollect  you  told  me  you  had  drawn  the 
Chicago  Masark  money,  and  sent  it  to  the  claimants. 
A  hawk-billed  Yankee  is  here  besetting  me  at  every 
turn  I  take,  saying  that  Robert  Kinzie  never  re- 
ceived the  eighty  dollars  to  which  he  was  entitled. 
Can  you  tell  me  anything  about  the  matter?  Again, 
old  Mr.  Wright,  who  lives  up  South  Fork  somewhere, 
is  teasing  me  continually  about  some  deeds  which  he 
says  he  left  with  you,  but  which  I  can  find  nothing  of. 
Can  you  tell  me  where  they  are  ?  The  Legislature  is 
in  session  and  has  suffered  the  bank  to  forfeit  its 
charter  without  benefit  of  clergy.  There  seems  to 
be  little  disposition  to  resuscitate  it. 

Whenever  a  letter  comes  from  you  to  Mrs. , 

I  carry  it  to  her,  and  then  I  see  Betty;  she  is  a  toler- 
able nice  "fellow"  now.  Maybe  I  will  write  again 
when  I  get  more  time. 

Your  friend  as  ever, 

A.  LINCOLN. 

P.  S. — The  Democratic  giant  is  here,  but  he  is 
not  much  worth  talking  about. 

A.  L. 


Abraham  Lincoln  229 

CIRCULAR   FROM    WHIG   COMMITTEE. 

January  [i?],  1840. 

Confidential. 


To  MESSRS. . 

GENTLEMEN  : — In  obedience  to  a  resolution  of  the 
Whig  State  convention,  we  have  appointed  you  the 
Central  Whig  Committee  of  your  county.  The  trust 
confided  to  you  will  be  one  of  watchfulness  and  labor ; 
but  we  hope  the  glory  of  having  contributed  to  the 
overthrow  of  the  corrupt  powers  that  now  control 
our  beloved  country  will  be  a  sufficient  reward  for 
the  time  and  labor  you  will  devote  to  it.  Our  Whig 
brethren  throughout  the  Union  have  met  in  conven- 
tion, and  after  due  deliberation  and  mutual  conces- 
sions have  elected  candidates  for  the  Presidency  and 
Vice-Presidency  not  only  worthy  of  our  cause,  but 
worthy  of  the  support  of  every  true  patriot  who 
would  have  our  country  redeemed,  and  her  institu- 
tions honestly  and  faithfully  administered.  To 
overthrow  the  trained  bands  that  are  opposed  to  us 
whose  salaried  officers  are  ever  on  the  watch,  and 
whose  misguided  followers  are  ever  ready  to  obey 
their  smallest  commands,  every  Whig  must  not  only 
know  his  duty,  but  must  firmly  resolve,  whatever 
of  time  and  labor  it  may  cost,  boldly  and  faithfully 
to  do  it.  Our  intention  is  to  organize  the  whole 
State,  so  that  every  Whig  can  be  brought  to  the 
polls  in  the  coming  Presidential  contest.  We  cannot 
do  this,  however,  without  your  co-operation ;  and  as 
we  do  our  duty,  so  we  shall  expect  you  to  do  yours. 
After  due  deliberation,  the  following  is  the  plan  of 


230  The  Writings  of 

organization,  and  the  duties  required  of  each  county 
committee : 

(1)  To  divide  their  county  into  small  districts, 
and  to  appoint  in  each  a  subcommittee,  whose  duty 
it  shall  be  to  make  a  perfect  list  of  all  the  voters  in 
their  respective  districts,  and  to  ascertain  with  cer- 
tainty for  whom  they  will  vote.     If  they  meet  with 
men  who  are  doubtful  as  to  the  man  they  will  sup- 
port, such  voters  should  be  designated  in  separate 
lines,  with  the  name  of  the  man  they  will  probably 
support. 

(2)  It  will  be  the  duty  of  said  subcommittee  to 
keep  a  constant  watch  on  the  doubtful  voters,  and 
from  time  to  time  have  them  talked  to  by  those  in 
whom  they  have  the  most  confidence,  and  also  to 
place  in  their  hands  such  documents  as  will  enlighten 
and  influence  them. 

(3)  It  will  also  be  their  duty  to  report  to  you,  at 
least  once  a  month,  the  progress  they  are  making, 
and  on  election  days  see  that  every  Whig  is  brought 
to  the  polls. 

(4)  The  subcommittees  should  be  appointed  im- 
mediately;   and  by  the  last  of  April,  at  least,  they 
should  make  their  first  report. 

(5)  On  the  first  of  each  month  hereafter  we  shall 
expect  to  hear  from  you.     After  the  first  report  of 
your  subcommittees,  unless  there  should  be  found  a 
great  many  doubtful  voters,   you  can  tell  pretty 
accurately  the  manner  in  which  your  county  will 
vote.     In  each  of  your  letters  to  us,  you  will  state 
the  number  of  certain  votes  both  for  and  against 
us,  as  well  as  the  number  of  doubtful  votes,  with 


Abraham  Lincoln  231 

your  opinion  of  the  manner  in  which  they  will  be 
cast. 

(6)  When  we  have  heard  from  all  the  counties,  we 
shall  be  able  to  tell  with  similar  accuracy  the  political 
complexion  of  the  State.     This  information  will  be 
forwarded  to  you  as  soon  as  received. 

(7)  Inclosed  is  a  prospectus  for  a  newspaper  to  be 
continued  until  after  the  Presidential  election.     It 
will  be  superintended  by  ourselves,  and  every  Whig 
in  the  State  must  take  it.     It  will  be  published  so 
low  that  every  one  can  afford  it.     You  must  raise  a 
fund  and  forward  us  for  extra  copies, — every  county 
ought  to  send  fifty  or  one  hundred   dollars, — and 
the  copies  will  be  forwarded  to  you  for  distribution 
among  our  political  opponents.     The  paper  will  be 
devoted  exclusively  to  the  great  cause  in  which  we 
are  engaged.     Procure  subscriptions,   and  forward 
them  to  us  immediately. 

(8)  Immediately  after  any  election  in  your  county, 
you  must  inform  us  of  its  results;    and  as  early  as 
possible  after  any  general  election  we  will  give  you 
the  like  information. 

(9)  A  senator  in  Congress  is  to  be  elected  by  our 
next  Legislature.     Let  no  local  interests  divide  you, 
but  select  candidates  that  can  succeed. 

(10)  Our  plan  of  operations  will  of  course  be  con- 
cealed from  every  one  except  our  good  friends  who 
of  right  ought  to  know  them. 

Trusting  much  in  our  good  cause,  the  strength  of 
our  candidates,  and  the  determination  of  the  Whigs 
everywhere  to  do  their  duty,  we  go  to  the  work  of 
organization  in  this  State  confident  of  success.  We 


232  The  Writings  of 

have  the  numbers,  and  if  properly  organized  and 
exerted,  with  the  gallant  Harrison  at  our  head,  we 
shall  meet  our  foes  and  conquer  them  in  all  parts  of 
the  Union. 

Address  your  letters  to  Dr.  A.  G.  Henry,  R.  F. 
Barrett,  A.  Lincoln,  E.  D.  Baker,  J.  F.  Speed. 


RESOLUTION    IN   THE    ILLINOIS    LEGISLATURE. 

November  28,  1840. 

In  the  Illinois  House  of  Representatives,  Novem- 
ber 28,  1840,  Mr.  Lincoln  offered  the  following: 

Resolved,  That  so  much  of  the  governor's  message 
as  relates  to  fraudulent  voting,  and  other  fraudulent 
practices  at  elections,  be  referred  to  the  Committee 
on  Elections,  with  instructions  to  said  committee  to 
prepare  and  report  to  the  House  a  bill  for  such  an  act 
as  may  in  their  judgment  afford  the  greatest  possible 
protection  of  the  elective  franchise  against  all  frauds 
of  all  sorts  whatever. 


RESOLUTION    IN   THE    ILLINOIS   LEGISLATURE. 

December  2,  1840. 

Resolved,  That  the  Committee  on  Education  be 
instructed  to  inquire  into  the  expediency  of  pro- 
viding by  law  for  the  examination  as  to  the  qualifica- 
tion of  persons  offering  themselves  as  school  teachers, 
that  no  teacher  shall  receive  any  part  of  the  public 
school  fund  who  shall  not  have  successfully  passed 
such  examination,  and  that  they  report  by  bill  or 
otherwise. 


Abraham  Lincoln  233 

REMARKS    IN    THE    ILLINOIS    LEGISLATURE. 

December  4,  1840. 

In  the  House  of  Representatives,  Illinois,  Decem- 
ber 4,  1840,  on  presentation  of  a  report  respecting 
petition  of  H.  N.  Purple,  claiming  the  seat  of  Mr. 
Phelps  from  Peoria,  Mr.  Lincoln  moved  that  the 
House  resolve  itself  into  Committee  of  the  Whole  on 
the  question,  and  take  it  up  immediately.  Mr. 
Lincoln  considered  the  question  of  the  highest 
importance  whether  an  individual  had  a  right  to  sit 
in  this  House  or  not.  The  course  he  should  propose 
would  be  to  take  up  the  evidence  and  decide  upon 
the  facts  seriatim. 

Mr.  Drummond  wanted  time;  they  could  not 
decide  in  the  heat  of  debate,  etc. 

Mr.  Lincoln  thought  that  the  question  had  better 
be  gone  into  now.  In  courts  of  law  jurors  were  re- 
quired to  decide  on  evidence,  without  previous  study 
or  examination.  They  were  required  to  know 
nothing  of  the  subject  until  the  evidence  was  laid 
before  them  for  their  immediate  decision.  He 
thought  that  the  heat  of  party  would  be  augmented 
by  delay. 

The  Speaker  called  Mr.  Lincoln  to  order  as  being 
irrelevant ;  no  mention  had  been  made  of  party  heat. 

Mr.  Drummond  said  he  had  only  spoken  of  debate. 

Mr.  Lincoln  asked  what  caused  the  heat,  if  it  was 
not  party?  Mr.  Lincoln  concluded  by  urging  that 
the  question  would  be  decided  now  better  than  here- 
after, and  he  thought  with  less  heat  and  excitement. 

(Further  debate,  in  which  Lincoln  participated.) 


234  The  Writings  of 

REMARKS    IN   THE    ILLINOIS   LEGISLATURE. 

December  4,  1840. 

In  the  Illinois  House  of  Representatives,  Decem- 
ber 4,  1840, — House  in  Committee  of  the  Whole  on 
the  bill  providing  for  payment  of  interest  on  the 
State  debt, — Mr.  Lincoln  moved  to  strike  out  the 
body  and  amendments  of  the  bill,  and  insert  in  lieu 
thereof  an  amendment  which  in  substance  was  that 
the  governor  be  authorized  to  issue  bonds  for  the 
payment  of  the  interest;  that  these  be  called 
"interest  bonds";  that  the  taxes  accruing  on  Con- 
gress lands  as  they  become  taxable  be  irrevocably 
set  aside  and  devoted  as  a  fund  to  the  payment  of 
the  interest  bonds.  Mr.  Lincoln  went  into  the 
reasons  which  appeared  to  him  to  render  this  plan 
preferable  to  that  of  hypothecating  the  State  bonds. 
By  this  course  we  could  get  along  till  the  next  meet- 
ing of  the  Legislature,  which  was  of  great  importance. 
To  the  objection  which  might  be  urged  that  these 
interest  bonds  could  not  be  cashed,  he  replied  that 
if  our  other  bonds  could,  much  more  could  these, 
which  offered  a  perfect  security,  a  fund  being  irre- 
vocably set  aside  to  provide  for  their  redemption. 
To  another  objection,  that  we  should  be  paying  com- 
pound interest,  he  would  reply  that  the  rapid  growth 
and  increase  of  our  resources  was  in  so  great  a  ratio 
as  to  outstrip  the  difficulty;  that  his  object  was  to 
do  the  best  that  could  be  done  in  the  present  emer- 
gency. All  agreed  that  the  faith  of  the  State  must 
be  preserved;  this  plan  appeared  to  him  preferable 
to  a  hypothecation  of  bonds,  which  would  have  to  be 


Abraham  Lincoln  235 

redeemed  and  the  interest  paid.  How  this  was  to  be 
done,  he  could  not  see ;  therefore  he  had,  after  turn- 
ing the  matter  over  in  every  way,  devised  this  meas- 
ure, which  would  carry  us  on  till  the  next  Legislature. 

(Mr.  Lincoln  spoke  at  some  length,  advocating  his 
measure.) 

Lincoln  advocated  his  measure,  December  1 1, 1840. 

December  12,  1840,  he  had  thought  some  per- 
manent provision  ought  to  be  made  for  the  bonds 
to  be  hypothecated,  but  was  satisfied  taxation  and 
revenue  could  not  be  connected  with  it  now. 


DEAR  STUART: 


TO    JOHN   T.    STUART. 

SPRINGFIELD,  Jan.  23,  1841. 


I  am  now  the  most  miserable  man  living.  If  what 
I  feel  were  equally  distributed  to  the  whole  human 
family,  there  would  not  be  one  cheerful  face  on  earth. 
Whether  I  shall  ever  be  better,  I  cannot  tell;  I 
awfully  forbode  I  shall  not.  To  remain  as  I  am  is 
impossible.  I  must  die  or  be  better,  as  it  appears  to 
me.  ...  I  fear  I  shall  be  unable  to  attend  any 
business  here,  and  a  change  of  scene  might  help  me. 
If  I  could  be  myself,  I  would  rather  remain  at  home 
with  Judge  Logan.  I  can  write  no  more. 


REMARKS    IN   THE    ILLINOIS    LEGISLATURE. 

January  23,  1841. 

In  the  House  of  Representatives  January  23,  1841, 
while  discussing  the  continuation  of  the  Illinois  and 


236  The  Writings  of 

Michigan  Canal,  Mr.  Moore  was  afraid  the  holders 
of  the  "scrip"  would  lose. 

Mr.  Napier  thought  there  was  no  danger  of  that; 
and  Mr.  Lincoln  said  he  had  not  examined  to  see 
what  amount  of  scrip  would  probably  be  needed. 
The  principal  point  in  his  mind  was  this,  that  nobody 
was  obliged  to  take  these  certificates.  It  is  alto- 
gether voluntary  on  their  part,  and  if  they  appre- 
hend it  will  fall  in  their  hands  they  will  not  take  it. 
Further  the  loss,  if  any  there  be,  will  fall  on  the 
citizens  of  that  section  of  the  country. 

This  scrip  is  not  going  to  circulate  over  an-  exten- 
sive range  of  country,  but  will  be  confined  chiefly  to 
the  vicinity  of  the  canal.  Now,  we  find  the  repre- 
sentatives of  that  section  of  the  country  are  all  in 
favor  of  the  bill. 

When  we  propose  to  protect  their  interests,  they 
say  to  us :  Leave  us  to  take  care  of  ourselves ;  we  are 
willing  to  run  the  risk.  And  this  is  reasonable;  we 
must  suppose  they  are  competent  to  protect  their 
own  interests,  and  it  is  only  fair  to  let  them  do  it. 


CIRCULAR   FROM    WHIG   COMMITTEE. 

February  9,  1841. 

Appeal  to  ike  People  of  the  State  of  Illinois. 

FELLOW-CITIZENS  : — When  the  General  Assembly, 
now  about  adjourning,  assembled  in  November  last, 
from  the  bankrupt  state  of  the  public  treasury,  the 
pecuniary  embarrassments  prevailing  in  every  de- 
partment of  society,  the  dilapidated  state  of  the 
public  works,  and  the  impending  danger  of  the 


Abraham  Lincoln  237 

degradation  of  the  State,  you  had  a  right  to  expect 
that  your  representatives  would  lose  no  time  in 
devising  and  adopting  measures  to  avert  threatened 
calamities,  alleviate  the  distresses  of  the  people,  and 
allay  the  fearful  apprehensions  in  regard  to  the 
future  prosperity  of  the  State.  It  was  not  expected 
by  you  that  the  spirit  of  party  would  take  the  lead  in 
the  councils  of  the  State,  and  make  every  interest 
bend  to  its  demands.  Nor  was  it  expected  that  any 
party  would  .assume  to  itself  the  entire  control  of 
legislation,  and  convert  the  means  and  offices  of  the 
State,  and  the  substance  of  the  people,  into  aliment 
for  party  subsistence.  Neither  could  it  have  been 
expected  by  you  that  party  spirit,  however  strong  its 
desires  and  unreasonable  its  demands,  would  have 
passed  the  sanctuary  of  the  Constitution,  and  entered 
with  its  unhallowed  and  hideous  form  into  the  forma- 
tion of  the  judiciary  system. 

At  the  early  period  of  the  session,  measures  were 
adopted  by  the  dominant  party  to  take  possession  of 
the  State,  to  fill  all  public  offices  with  party  men, 
and  make  every  measure  affecting  the  interests  of  the 
people  and  the  credit  of  the  State  operate  in  further- 
ance of  their  party  views.  The  merits  of  men  and 
measures  therefore  became  the  subject  of  discussion 
in  caucus,  instead  of  the  halls  of  legislation,  and 
decisions  there  made  by  a  minority  of  the  Legislature 
have  been  executed  and  carried  into  effect  by  the 
force  of  party  discipline,  without  any  regard  what- 
ever to  the  rights  of  the  people  or  the  interests  of 
the  State.  The  Supreme  Court  of  the  State  was 
organized,  and  judges  appointed,  according  to  the 


238  The  Writings  01 

provisions  of  the  Constitution,  in  1824.  The  people 
have  never  complained  of  the  organization  of  that 
court;  no  attempt  has  ever  before  been  made  to 
change  that  department.  Respect  for  public  opin- 
ion, and  regard  for  the  rights  and  liberties  of  the 
people,  have  hitherto  restrained  the  spirit  of  party 
from  attacks  upon  the  independence  and  integrity  of 
the  judiciary.  The  same  judges  have  continued  in 
office  since  1824;  their  decisions  have  not  been  the 
subject  of  complaint  among  the  people ;  the  integrity 
and  honesty  of  the  court  have  not  been  questioned, 
and  it  has  never  been  supposed  that  the  court  has 
ever  permitted  party  prejudice  or  party  considera- 
tions to  operate  upon  their  decisions.  The  court 
was  made  to  consist  of  four  judges,  and  by  the  Con- 
stitution two  form  a  quorum  for  the  transaction  of 
business.  With  this  tribunal,  thus  constituted,  the 
people  have  been  satisfied  for  near  sixteen  years. 
The  same  law  which  organized  the  Supreme  Court  in 
1824  also  established  and  organized  circuit  courts  to 
be  held  in  each  county  in  the  State,  and  five  circuit 
judges  were  appointed  to  hold  those  courts.  In 
1826  the  Legislature  abolished  these  circuit  courts, 
repealed  the  judges  out  of  office,  and  required  the 
judges  of  the  Supreme  Court  to  hold  the  circuit  courts. 
The  reasons  assigned  for  this  change  were,  first,  that 
the  business  of  the  country  could  be  better  attended 
to  by  the  four  judges  of  the  Supreme  Court  than  by 
the  two  sets  of  judges ;  and,  second,  the  state  of  the 
public  treasury  forbade  the  employment  of  unneces- 
sary officers.  In  1828  a  circuit  was  established 
north  of  the  Illinois  River,  in  order  to  meet  the 


Abraham  Lincoln  239 

wants  of  the  people,  and  a  circuit  judge  was  ap- 
pointed to  hold  the  courts  in  that  circuit. 

In  1834  the  circuit-court  system  was  again  estab- 
lished throughout  the  State,  circuit  judges  appointed 
to  hold  the  courts,  and  the  judges  of  the  Supreme 
Court  were  relieved  from  the  performance  of  circuit- 
court  duties.  The  change  was  recommended  by  the 
then  acting  governor  of  the  State,  General  W.  L.  D. 
Ewing,  in  the  following  terms : 

"  The  augmented  population  of  the  State,  the 
multiplied  number  of  organized  counties,  as  well  as 
the  increase  of  business  in  all,  has  long  since  con- 
vinced every  one  conversant  with  this  department  of 
our  government  of  the  indispensable  necessity  of  an 
alteration  in  our  judiciary  system,  and  the  subject  is 
therefore  recommended  to  the  earnest  patriotic  con- 
sideration of  the  Legislature.  The  present  system 
has  never  been  exempt  from  serious  and  weighty 
objections.  The  idea  of  appealing  from  the  circuit 
court  to  the  same  judges  in  the  Supreme  Court  is 
recommended  by  little  hopes  of  redress  to  the  injured 
party  below.  The  duties  of  the  circuit,  too,  it  may 
be  added,  consume  one  half  of  the  year,  leaving  a 
small  and  inadequate  portion  of  time  (when  that 
required  for  domestic  purposes  is  deducted)  to  erect, 
in  the  decisions  of  the  Supreme  Court,  a  judicial 
monument  of  legal  learning  and  research,  which  the 
talent  and  ability  of  the  court  might  otherwise  be 
entirely  competent  to." 

With  this  organization  of  circuit  courts  the  people 
have  never  complained.  The  only  complaints  which 
we  have  heard  have  come  from  circuits  which  were 


240  The  Writings  of 

so  large  that  the  judges  could  not  dispose  of  the 
business,  and  the  circuits  in  which  Judges  Pearson 
and  Ralston  lately  presided. 

Whilst  the  honor  and  credit  of  the  State  demanded 
legislation  upon  the  subject  of  the  public  debt,  the 
canal,  the  unfinished  public  works,  and  the  embar- 
rassments of  the  people,  the  judiciary  stood  upon  a 
basis  which  required  no  change — no  legislative  action. 
Yet  the  party  in  power,  neglecting  every  interest 
requiring  legislative  action,  and  wholly  disregarding 
the  rights,  wishes,  and  interests  of  the  people,  has, 
for  the  unholy  purpose  of  providing  places  for  its 
partisans  and  supplying  them  with  large  salaries, 
disorganized  that  department  of  the  government. 
Provision  is  made  for  the  election  of  five  party  judges 
of  the  Supreme  Court,  the  proscription  of  four  circuit 
judges,  and  the  appointment  of  party  clerks  in  more 
than  half  the  counties  of  the  State.  Men  professing 
respect  for  public  opinion,  and  acknowledged  to  be 
leaders  of  the  party,  have  avowed  in  the  halls  of 
legislation  that  the  change  in  the  judiciary  was  in- 
tended to  produce  political  results  favorable  to  their 
party  and  party  friends.  The  immutable  principles 
of  justice  are  to  make  way  for  party  interests,  and 
the  bonds  of  social  order  are  to  be  rent  in  twain,  in 
order  that  a  desperate  faction  may  be  sustained  at 
the  expense  of  the  people.  The  change  proposed  in 
the  judiciary  was  supported  upon  grounds  so  de- 
structive to  the  institutions  of  the  country,  and  so 
entirely  at  war  with  the  rights  and  liberties  of  the 
people,  that  the  party  could  not  secure  entire 
unanimity  in  its  support, — three  Democrats  of  the 


Abraham  Lincoln  241 

Senate  and  five  of  the  House  voting  against  the 
measure.  They  were  unwilling  to  see  the  temples  of 
justice  and  the  seats  of  independent  judges  occupied 
by  the  tools  of  faction.  The  declarations  of  the 
party  leaders,  the  selection  of  party  men  for  judges, 
and  the  total  disregard  for  the  public  will  in  the 
adoption  of  the  measure,  prove  conclusively  that 
the  object  has  been  not  reform,  but  destruction ;  not 
the  advancement  of  the  highest  interests  of  the 
State,  but  the  .predominance  of  party. 

We  cannot  in  this  manner  undertake  to  point  out 
all  the  objections  to  this  party  measure;  we  present 
you  with  those  stated  by  the  Council  of  Revision 
upon  returning  the  bill,  and  we  ask  for  them  a  candid 
consideration. 

Believing  that  the  independence  of  the  judiciary 
has  been  destroyed,  that  hereafter  our  courts  will  be 
independent  of  the  people,  and  entirely  dependent 
upon  the  Legislature;  that  our  rights  of  property 
and  liberty  of  conscience  can  no  longer  be  regarded  as 
safe  from  the  encroachments  of  unconstitutional 
legislation;  and  knowing  of  no  other  remedy  which 
can  be  adopted  consistently  with  the  peace  and  good 
order  of  society,  we  call  upon  you  to  avail  yourselves 
of  the  opportunity  afforded,  and,  at  the  next  general 
election,  vote  for  a  convention  of  the  people. 

S.  H.  LITTLE, 


E.  D.  BAKER, 
J.  J.  HARDIN, 
E.  B.  WEBB, 
A.  LINCOLN, 
J.  GILLESPIE,^ 

VOL.  I. — 16. 


Committee  on  behalf  of  the 
Whig  members  of  the  Legislature. 


242  The  Writings  of 

EXTRACT  FROM  A  PROTEST  IN  THE  ILLINOIS  LEGISLA- 
TURE AGAINST  THE  REORGANIZATION  OF  THE 
JUDICIARY. 

February  26,  1841. 

For  the  reasons  thus  presented,  and  for  others  no 
less  apparent,  the  undersigned  cannot  assent  to  the 
passage  of  the  bill,  or  permit  it  to  become  a  law, 
without  this  evidence  of  their  disapprobation;  and 
they  now  protest  against  the  reorganization  of  the 
judiciary,  because — (i)  It  violates  the  great  princi- 
ples of  free  government  by  subjecting  the  judiciary 
to  the  Legislature.  (2)  It  is  a  fatal  blow  at  the 
independence  of  the  judges  and  the  constitutional 
term  of  their  office.  (3)  It  is  a  measure  not  asked 
for,  or  wished  for,  by  the  people.  (4)  It  will  greatly 
increase  the  expense  of  our  courts,  or  else  greatly 
diminish  their  utility.  (5)  It  will  give  our  courts  a 
political  and  partisan  character,  thereby  impairing 
public  confidence  in  their  decisions.  (6)  It  will 
impair  our  standing  with  other  States  and  the  world. 
(7)  It  is  a  party  measure  for  party  purposes,  from 
which  no  practical  good  to  the  people  can  possibly 
arise,  but  which  may  be  the  source  of  immeasurable 
evils. 

The  undersigned  are  well  aware  that  this  protest 
will  be  altogether  unavailing  with  the  majority  of 
this  body.  The  blow  has  already  fallen,  and  we  are 
compelled  to  stand  by,  the  mournful  spectators  of 
the  ruin  it  will  cause. 

[Signed  by  3  5  members,  among  whom  was  Abraham 
Lincoln.] 


Abraham  Lincoln  243 

TO    JOSHUA    F.    SPEED. 

SPRINGFIELD,  June  19,  1841. 

DEAR  SPEED  : — We  have  had  the  highest  state  of 
excitement  here  for  a  week  past  that  our  community 
has  ever  witnessed ;  and,  although  the  public  feeling 
is  somewhat  allayed,  the  curious  affair  which  aroused 
it  is  very  far  from  being  even  yet  cleared  of  mystery. 
It  would  take  a  quire  of  paper  to  give  you  anything 
like  a  full  account  of  it,  and  I  therefore  only  propose 
a  brief  outline.  The  chief  personages  in  the  drama 
are  Archibald  Fisher,  supposed  to  be  murdered, 
and  Archibald  Trailer,  Henry  Trailer,  and  William 
Trailer,  supposed  to  have  murdered  him.  The  three 
Trailers  are  brothers:  the  first,  Arch.,  as  you  know, 
lives  in  town;  the  second,  Henry,  in  Clary's  Grove; 
and  the  third,  William,  in  Warren  County;  and 
Fisher,  the  supposed  murdered,  being  without  a 
family,  had  made  his  home  with  William.  On 
Saturday  evening,  being  the  2gih  of  May,  Fisher  and 
William  came  to  Henry's  in  a  one-horse  dearborn, 
and  there  stayed  over  Sunday;  and  on  Monday  all 
three  came  to  Springfield  (Henry  on  horseback) 
and  joined  Archibald  at  Myers's,  the  Dutch  carpenter. 
That  evening  at  supper  Fisher  was  missing,  and  so 
next  morning  some  ineffectual  search  was  made  for 
him;  and  on  Tuesday,  at  one  o'clock  P.M.,  William 
and  Henry  started  home  without  him.  In  a  day  or 
two  Henry  and  one  or  two  of  his  Clary-Grove 
neighbors  came  back  for  him  again,  and  advertised 
his  disappearance  in  the  papers.  The  knowledge  of 
the  matter  thus  far  had  not  been  general,  and  here  it 


244  The  Writings  of 

dropped  entirely,  till  about  the  loth  instant,  when 
Keys  received  a  letter  from  the  postmaster  in  Warren 
County,  that  William  had  arrived  at  home,  and  was 
telling  a  very  mysterious  and  improbable  story  about 
the  disappearance  of  Fisher,  which  induced  the  com- 
munity there  to  suppose  he  had  been  disposed  of 
unfairly.  Keys  made  this  letter  public,  which  im- 
mediately set  the  whole  town  and  adjoining  county 
agog.  And  so  it  has  continued  until  yesterday. 
The  mass  of  the  people  commenced  a  systematic 
search  for  the  dead  body,  while  Wickersham  was 
despatched  to  arrest  Henry  Trailer  at  the  Grove, 
and  Jim  Maxcy  to  Warren  to  arrest  William.  On 
Monday  last,  Henry  was  brought  in,  and  showed  an 
evident  inclination  to  insinuate  that  he  knew  Fisher 
to  be  dead,  and  that  Arch,  and  William  had  killed 
him.  He  said  he  guessed  the  body  could  be  found 
in  Spring  Creek,  between  the  Beardstown  road  and 
Hickox's  mill.  Away  the  people  swept  like  a  herd 
of  buffalo,  and  cut  down  Hickox's  mill-dam  nolens 
volens,  to  draw  the  water  out  of  the  pond,  and  then 
went  up  and  down  and  down  and  up  the  creek, 
fishing  and  raking,  and  raking  and  ducking  and 
diving  for  two  days,  and,  after  all,  no  dead  body 
found. 

In  the  meantime  a  sort  of  scufBing-ground  had 
been  found  in  the  brush  in  the  angle,  or  point,  where 
the  road  leading  into  the  woods  past  the  brewery 
and  the  one  leading  in  past  the  brick-yard  meet. 
From  the  scuffle-ground  was  the  sign  of  something 
about  the  size  of  a  man  having  been  dragged  to  the 
edge  of  the  thicket,  where  it  joined  the  track  of  some 


Abraham  Lincoln  245 

small-wheeled  carriage  drawn  by  one  horse,  as  shown 
by  the  road-tracks.  The  carriage-track  led  off 
toward  Spring  Creek.  Near  this  drag-trail  Dr. 
Merryman  found  two  hairs,  which,  after  a  long 
scientific  examination,  he  pronounced  to  be  triangu- 
lar human  hairs,  which  term,  he  says,  includes  within 
it  the  whiskers,  the  hair  growing  under  the  arms  and 
on  other  parts  of  the  body ;  and  he  judged  that  these 
two  were  of  the  whiskers,  because  the  ends  were  cut, 
showing  that  they  had  flourished  in  the  neighborhood 
of  the  razor's  operations.  On  Thursday  last  Jim 
Maxcy  brought  in  William  Trailer  from  Warren.  On 
the  same  day  Arch,  was  arrested  and  put  in  jail. 
Yesterday  (Friday)  William  was  put  upon  his  exam- 
ining trial  before  May  and  Lovely.  Archibald  and 
Henry  were  both  present.  Lamborn  prosecuted, 
and  Logan,  Baker,  and  your  humble  servant  de- 
fended. A  great  many  witnesses  were  introduced 
and  examined,  but  I  shall  only  mention  those  whose 
testimony  seemed  most  important.  The  first  of 
these  was  Captain  Ransdell.  He  swore  that  when 
William  and  Henry  left  Springfield  for  home  on 
Tuesday  before  mentioned  they  did  not  take  the 
direct  route, — which,  you  know,  leads  by  the  butcher 
shop, — but  that  they  followed  the  street  north  until 
they  got  opposite,  or  nearly  opposite,  May's  new 
house,  after  which  he  could  not  see  them  from  where 
he  stood ;  and  it  was  afterwards  proved  that  in  about 
an  hour  after  they  started,  they  came  into  the  street 
by  the  butcher  shop  from  toward  the  brick-yard. 
Dr.  Merryman  and  others  swore  to  what  is  stated 
about  the  scuffle-ground,  drag-trail,  whiskers,  and 


246  The  Writings  of 

carriage-tracks.  Henry  was  then  introduced  by  the 
prosecution.  He  swore  that  when  they  started  for 
home  they  went  out  north,  as  Ransdell  stated,  and 
turned  down  west  by  the  brick-yard  into  the  woods, 
and  there  met  Archibald;  that  they  proceeded  a 
small  distance  farther,  when  he  was  placed  as  a 
sentinel  to  watch  for  and  announce  the  approach  of 
any  one  that  might  happen  that  way;  that  William 
and  Arch,  took  the  dearborn  out  of  the  road  a  small 
distance  to  the  edge  of  the  thicket,  where  they 
stopped,  and  he  saw  them  lift  the  body  of  a  man  into 
it ;  that  they  then  moved  off  with  the  carriage  in  the 
direction  of  Hickox's  mill,  and  he  loitered  about  for 
something  like  an  hour,  when  William  returned  with 
the  carriage,  but  without  Arch.,  and  said  they  had 
put  him  in  a  safe  place ;  that  they  went  somehow — 
he  did  not  know  exactly  how — into  the  road  close  to 
the  brewery,  and  proceeded  on  to  Clary's  Grove. 
He  also  stated  that  some  time  during  the  day  William 
told  him  that  he  and  Arch,  had  killed  Fisher  the 
evening  before;  that  the  way  they  did  it  was  by 
him  (William)  knocking  him  down  with  a  club,  and 
Arch,  then  choking  him  to  death. 

An  old  man  from  Warren,  called  Dr.  Gilmore,  was 
then  introduced  on  the  part  of  the  defence.  He 
swore  that  he  had  known  Fisher  for  several  years; 
that  Fisher  had  resided  at  his  house  a  long  time  at 
each  of  two  different  spells — once  while  he  built  a 
barn  for  him,  and  once  while  he  was  doctored  for 
some  chronic  disease;  that  two  or  three  years  ago 
Fisher  had  a  serious  hurt  in  his  head  by  the  bursting 
of  a  gun,  since  which  he  had  been  subject  to  continued 


Abraham  Lincoln  247 

bad  health  and  occasional  aberration  of  mind.  He 
also  stated  that  on  last  Tuesday,  being  the  same  day 
that  Maxcy  arrested  William  Trailor,  he  (the  doctor) 
was  from  home  in  the  early  part  of  the  day,  and  on 
his  return,  about  eleven  o'clock,  found  Fisher  at  his 
house  in  bed,  and  apparently  very  unwell;  that  he 
asked  him  how  he  came  from  Springfield;  that 
Fisher  said  he  had  come  by  Peoria,  and  also  told  of 
several  other  places  he  had  been  at  more  in  the  direc- 
tion of  Peoria,  which  showed  that  he  at  the  time  of 
speaking  did  not  know  where  he  had  been  wandering 
about  in  a  state  of  derangement.  He  further  stated 
that  in  about  two  hours  he  received  a  note  from  one 
of  Trailer's  friends,  advising  him  of  his  arrest,  and 
requesting  him  to  go  on  to  Springfield  as  a  witness, 
to  testify  as  to  the  state  of  Fisher's  health  in  former 
times;  that  he  immediately  set  off,  calling  up  two 
of  his  neighbors  as  company,  and,  riding  all  even- 
ing and  all  night,  overtook  Maxcy  and  William  at 
Lewiston  in  Fulton  County ;  that  Maxcy  refusing  to 
discharge  Trailor  upon  his  statement,  his  two  neigh- 
bors returned  and  he  came  on  to  Springfield.  Some 
question  being  made  as  to  whether  the  doctor's 
story  was  not  a  fabrication,  several  acquaintances  of 
his  (among  whom  was  the  same  postmaster  who 
wrote  Keys,  as  before  mentioned)  were  introduced  as 
sort  of  compurgators,  who  swore  that  they  knew  the 
doctor  to  be  of  good  character  for  truth  and  veracity, 
and  generally  of  good  character  in  every  way. 
Here  the  testimony  ended,  and  the  Trailers  were  dis- 
charged, Arch,  and  William  expressing  both  in  word 
and  manner  their  entire  confidence  that  Fisher  would 


248  The  Writings  of 

be  found  alive  at  the  doctor's  by  Galloway,  Mallory, 
and  Myers,  who  a  day  before  had  been  despatched 
for  that  purpose;  while  Henry  still  protested  that 
no  power  on  earth  could  ever  show  Fisher  alive. 
Thus  stands  this  curious  affair.  When  the  doctor's 
story  was  first  made  public,  it  was  amusing  to  scan 
and  contemplate  the  countenances  and  hear  the 
remarks  of  those  who  had  been  actively  in  search  for 
the  dead  body:  some  looked  quizzical,  some  melan- 
choly, and  some  furiously  angry.  Porter,  who  had 
been  very  active,  swore  he  always  knew  the  man  was 
not  dead,  and  that  he  had  not  stirred  an  inch  to 
hunt  for  him ;  Langford,  who  had  taken  the  lead  in 
cutting  down  Hickox's  mill-dam,  and  wanted  to  hang 
Hickox  for  objecting,  looked  most  awfully  woe- 
begone: he  seemed  the  "victim  of  unrequited  affec- 
tion," as  represented  in  the  comic  almanacs  we  used 
to  laugh  over;  and  Hart,  the  little  drayman  that 
hauled  Molly  home  once,  said  it  was  too  damned  bad 
to  have  so  much  trouble,  and  no  hanging  after  all. 

I  commenced  this  letter  on  yesterday,  since  which 
I  received  yours  of  the  isth.  I  stick  to  my  promise 
to  come  to  Louisville.  Nothing  new  here  except 

what  I  have  written.     I  have  not  seen since  my 

last  trip,  and  I  am  going  out  there  as  soon  as  I  mail 
this  letter.  Yours  forever, 

LINCOLN. 


STATEMENT   ABOUT    HARRY    WILTON. 

June  25,  1841. 

It  having  been  charged  in  some  of  the  public  prints 
that  Harry  Wilton,  late  United  States  marshal  for 


Abraham  Lincoln  249 

the  district  of  Illinois,  had  used  his  office  for  political 
effect,  in  the  appointment  of  deputies  for  the  taking 
of  the  census  for  the  year  1840,  we,  the  undersigned, 
were  called  upon  by  Mr.  Wilton  to  examine  the 
papers  in  his  possession  relative  to  these  appoint- 
ments, and  to  ascertain  therefrom  the  correctness 
or  incorrectness  of  such  charge.  We  accompanied 
Mr.  Wilton  to  a  room,  and  examined  the  matter  as 
fully  as  we  could  with  the  means  afforded  us.  The 
only  sources  of  information  bearing  on  the  subject 
which  were  submitted  to  us  were  the  letters,  etc., 
recommending  and  opposing  the  various  appoint- 
ments made,  and  Mr.  Wilton's  verbal  statements 
concerning  the  same.  From  these  letters,  etc.,  it 
appears  that  in  some  instances  appointments  were 
made  in  accordance  with  the  recommendations  of 
leading  Whigs,  and  in  opposition  to  those  of  leading 
Democrats;  among  which  instances  the  appoint- 
ments at  Scott,  Wayne,  Madison,  and  Lawrence  are 
the  strongest.  According  to  Mr.  Wilton's  statement 
of  the  seventy-six  appointments  we  examined,  fifty- 
four  were  of  Democrats,  eleven  of  Whigs,  and  eleven 
of  unknown  politics. 

The  chief  ground  of  complaint  against  Mr.  Wilton, 
as  we  had  understood  it,  was  because  of  his  appoint- 
ment of  so  many  Democratic  candidates  for  the 
Legislature,  thus  giving  them  a  decided  advantage 
over  their  Whig  opponents;  and  consequently  our 
attention  was  directed  rather  particularly  to  that 
point.  We  found  that  there  were  many  such  ap- 
pointments, among  which  were  those  in  Tazewell, 
McLean,  Iroquois,  Coles,  Menard,  Wayne,  Washington, 


250  The  Writings  of 

ton,  Fayette,  etc. ;  and  we  did  not  learn  that  there 
was  one  instance  in  which  a  Whig  candidate  for  the 
Legislature  had  been  appointed.  There  was  no 
written  evidence  before  us  showing  us  at  what  time 
those  appointments  were  made;  but  Mr.  Wilton 
stated  that  they  all  with  one  exception  were  made 
before  those  appointed  became  candidates  for  the 
Legislature,  and  the  letters,  etc.,  recommending  them 
all  bear  date  before,  and  most  of  them  long  before, 
those  appointed  were  publicly  announced  candidates. 
We  give  the  foregoing  naked  facts  and  draw  no 
conclusions  from  them. 

BENJ.  S.  EDWARDS, 
A.  LINCOLN. 


TO    MISS    MARY    SPEED. 

BLOOMINGTON,  ILL.,  September  27,  1841. 

Miss  MARY  SPEED,  Louisville,  Ky. 
MY  FRIEND: 

By  the  way,  a  fine  example  was  presented  on  board 
the  boat  for  contemplating  the  effect  of  condition 
upon  human  happiness.  A  gentleman  had  pur- 
chased twelve  negroes  in  different  parts  of  Kentucky, 
and  was  taking  them  to  a  farm  in  the  South.  They 
were  chained  six  and  six  together.  A  small  iron 
clevis  was  around  the  left  wrist  of  each,  and  this 
fastened  to  the  main  chain  by  a  shorter  one,  at  a 
convenient  distance  from  the  others,  so  that  the 
negroes  were  strung  together  precisely  like  so  many 
fish  upon  a  trot -line.  In  this  condition  they  were 


Abraham  Lincoln  251 

being  separated  forever  from  the  scenes  of  their 
childhood,  their  friends,  their  fathers  and  mothers, 
and  brothers  and  sisters,  and  many  of  them  from 
their  wives  and  children,  and  going  into  perpetual 
slavery  where  the  lash  of  the  master  is  proverbially 
more  ruthless  and  unrelenting  than  any  other  where ; 
and  yet  amid  all  these  distressing  circumstances,  as 
we  would  think  them,  they  were  the  most  cheerful 
and  apparently  happy  creatures  on  board.  One, 
whose  offence  for  which  he  had  been  sold  was  an  over- 
fondness  for  his  wife,  played  the  riddle  almost  con- 
tinually, and  the  others  danced,  sang,  cracked  jokes, 
and  played  various  games  with  cards  from  day  to 
day.  How  true  it  is  that  '  God  tempers  the  wind  to 
the  shorn  lamb,'  or  in  other  words,  that  he  renders 
the  worst  of  human  conditions  tolerable,  while  he 
permits  the  best  to  be  nothing  better  than  tolerable. 
To  return  to  the  narrative:  When  we  reached 
Springfield  I  stayed  but  one  day,  when  I  started  on 
this  tedious  circuit  where  I  now  am.  Do  you  re- 
member my  going  to  the  city,  while  I  was  in  Ken- 
tucky, to  have  a  tooth  extracted,  and  making  a 
failure  of  it?  Well,  that  same  old  tooth  got  to 
paining  me  so  much  that  about  a  week  since  I  had  it 
torn  out,  bringing  with  it  a  bit  of  the  jawbone,  the 
consequence  of  which  is  that  my  mouth  is  now  so 
sore  that  I  can  neither  talk  nor  eat. 


Your  sincere  friend, 

A.  LINCOLN. 


252  The  Writings  of 

CALL   FOR   WHIG   STATE    CONVENTION. 

The  undersigned,  acting,  as  is  believed,  in  accord- 
ance with  the  wishes  of  the  Whig  party,  and  in 
compliance  with  their  duties  as  the  Whig  Central 
Committee  of  this  State,  appoint  the  third  Monday 
of  December  next  for  the  meeting  of  a  Whig  State 
convention,  at  Springfield,  for  the  purpose  of  nomi- 
nating candidates  for  the  offices  of  Governor  and 
Lieutenant-Governor  of  this  State  for  the  coming 
election. 

It  is  recommended  that  the  number  of  delegates  to 
the  convention  shall  conform  to  the  number  of  repre- 
sentatives entitled  under  the  new  apportionment; 
but  that  in  all  cases  every  county  shall  be  entitled 
to  one  delegate. 

We  would  urge  upon  our  political  friends  in  the 
different  counties  to  call  meetings  immediately  for 
the  election  of  delegates. 

It  is  ardently  hoped  that  the  counties  will  be  fully 
represented,  in  order  that  the  will  of  the  people  may 
be  expressed  in  the  selection  of  candidates. 

A.  G.  HENRY,      J.  F.  SPEED,         A.  LINCOLN, 
E.  D.  BAKER,       WM.  L.  MAY, 

Whig  State  Central  Committee. 

SPRINGFIELD,  Oct.  20,  1841. 


TO    JOSHUA    F.    SPEED. 

January  [3?],  1842. 

MY  DEAR  SPEED  : — Feeling,  as  you  know  I  do,  the 
deepest  solicitude  for  the  success  of  the  enterprise  you 


Abraham  Lincoln  253 

are  engaged  in,  I  adopt  this  as  the  last  method  I  can 
adopt  to  aid  you,  in  case  (which  God  forbid!)  you 
shall  need  any  aid.  I  do  not  place  what  I  am  going 
to  say  on  paper  because  I  can  say  it  better  that  way 
than  I  could  by  word  of  mouth,  but,  were  I  to  say  it 
orally  before  we  part,  most  likely  you  would  forget 
it  at  the  very  time  when  it  might  do  you  some  good. 
As  I  think  it  reasonable  that  you  will  feel  very  badly 
some  time  between  this  and  the  final  consummation 
of  your  purpose,  .it  is  intended  that  you  shall  read 
this  just  at  such  a  time.  Why  I  say  it  is  reasonable 
that  you  will  feel  very  badly  yet,  is  because  of  three 
special  causes  added  to  the  general  one  which  I  shall 
mention. 

The  general  cause  is,  that  you  are  naturally  of  a 
nervous  temperament;  and  this  I  say  from  what  I 
have  seen  of  you  personally,  and  what  you  have  told 
me  concerning  your  mother  at  various  times,  and 
concerning  your  brother  William  at  the  time  his 
wife  died.  The  first  special  cause  is  your  exposure 
to  bad  weather  on  your  journey,  which  my  experience 
clearly  proves  to  be  very  severe  on  defective  nerves. 
The  second  is  the  absence  of  all  business  and  conver- 
sation of  friends,  which  might  divert  your  mind,  give 
it  occasional  rest  from  the  intensity  of  thought  which 
will  sometimes  wear  the  sweetest  idea  threadbare 
and  turn  it  to  the  bitterness  of  death.  The  third  is 
the  rapid  and  near  approach  of  that  crisis  on  which 
all  your  thoughts  and  feelings  concentrate. 

If  from  all  these  causes  you  shall  escape  and 
go  through  triumphantly,  without  another  "twinge 
of  the  soul,"  I  shall  be  most  happily  but  most 


254  The  Writings  of 

egregiously  deceived.  If,  on  the  contrary,  you  shall, 
as  I  expect  you  will  at  sometime,  be  agonized  and  dis- 
tressed, let  me,  who  have  some  reason  to  speak  with 
judgment  on  such  a  subject,  beseech  you  to  ascribe 
it  to  the  causes  I  have  mentioned,  and  not  to  some 
false  and  ruinous  suggestion  of  the  Devil. 

"But,"  you  will  say,  "do  not  your  causes  apply  to 
every  one  engaged  in  a  like  undertaking?"  By  no 
means.  The  particular  causes,  to  a  greater  or  less 
extent,  perhaps  do  apply  in  all  cases ;  but  the  general 
one, — nervous  debility,  which  is  the  key  and  con- 
ductor of  all  the  particular  ones,  and  without  which 
they  would  be  utterly  harmless, — though  it  does  per- 
tain to  you,  does  not  pertain  to  one  in  a  thousand. 
It  is  out  of  this  that  the  painful  difference  between 
you  and  the  mass  of  the  world  springs. 

I  know  what  the  painful  point  with  you  is  at  all 
times  when  you  are  unhappy ;  it  is  an  apprehension 
that  you  do  not  love  her  as  you  should.  What 
nonsense!  How  came  you  to  court  her?  Was  it 
because  you  thought  she  deserved  it,  and  that  you 
had  given  her  reason  to  expect  it?  If  it  was  for  that 
why  did  not  the  same  reason  make  you  court  Ann 
Todd,  and  at  least  twenty  others  of  whom  you  can 
think,  and  to  whom  it  would  apply  with  greater 
force  than  to  her  ?  Did  you  court  her  for  her  wealth  ? 
Why,  you  know  she  had  none.  But  you  say  you 
reasoned  yourself  into  it.  What  do  you  mean  by 
that  ?  Was  it  not  that  you  found  yourself  unable  to 
reason  yourself  out  of  it?  Did  you  not  think,  and 
partly  form  the  purpose,  of  courting  her  the  first 
time  you  ever  saw  her  or  heard  of  her?  What  had 


Abraham  Lincoln  255 

reason  to  do  with  it  at  that  early  stage  ?  There  was 
nothing  at  that  time  for  reason  to  work  upon. 
Whether  she  was  moral,  amiable,  sensible,  or  even  of 
good  character,  you  did  not,  nor  could  then  know, 
except,  perhaps,  you  might  infer  the  last  from  the 
company  you  found  her  in. 

All  you  then  did  or  could  know  of  her  was  her 
personal  appearance  and  deportment;  and  these,  if 
they  impress  at  all,  impress  the  heart,  and  not  the 
head. 

Say  candidly,  were  not  those  heavenly  black  eyes 
the  whole  basis  of  all  your  early  reasoning  on  the 
subject?  After  you  and  I  had  once  been  at  the 
residence,  did  you  not  go  and  take  me  all  the  way  to 
Lexington  and  back,  for  no  other  purpose  but  to  get 
to  see  her  again,  on  our  return  on  that  evening  to 
take  a  trip  for  that  express  object?  What  earthly 
consideration  would  you  take  to  find  her  scouting  and 
despising  you,  and  giving  herself  up  to  another? 
But  of  this  you  have  no  apprehension ;  and  therefore 
you  cannot  bring  it  home  to  your  feelings. 

I  shall  be  so  anxious  about  you  that  I  shall  want 
you  to  write  by  every  mail.  Your  friend, 

LINCOLN. 


TO   JOSHUA   P.    SPEED. 

SPRINGFIELD,  ILLINOIS,  February  3,  1842. 

DEAR  SPEED: — Your  letter  of  the  25th  January 
came  to  hand  to-day.  You  well  knew  that  I  do  not 
feel  my  own  sorrows  much  more  keenly  than  I  do 
yours,  when  I  know  of  them ;  and  yet  I  assure  you  I 


256  The  Writings  of 

was  not  much  hurt  by  what  you  wrote  me  of  your 
excessively  bad  feeling  at  the  time  you  wrote.  Not 
that  I  am  less  capable  of  sympathizing  with  you  now 
than  ever,  not  that  I  am  less  your  friend  than  ever, 
but  because  I  hope  and  believe  that  your  present 
anxiety  and  distress  about  her  health  and  her  life 
must  and  will  forever  banish  those  horrid  doubts 
which  I  know  you  sometimes  felt  as  to  the  truth  of 
your  affection  for  her.  If  they  can  once  and  forever 
be  removed  (and  I  almost  feel  a  presentiment  that 
the  Almighty  has  sent  your  present  affliction  ex- 
pressly for  that  object),  surely  nothing  can  come  in 
their  stead  to  fill  their  immeasurable  measure  of 
misery.  The  death-scenes  of  those  we  love  are  surely 
painful  enough;  but  these  we  are  prepared  for  and 
expect  to  see :  they  happen  to  all,  and  all  know  they 
must  happen.  Painful  as  they  are,  they  are  not  an 
unlooked-for  sorrow.  Should  she,  as  you  fear,  be 
destined  to  an  early  grave,  it  is  indeed  a  great  con- 
solation to  know  that  she  is  so  well  prepared  to  meet 
it.  Her  religion,  which  you  once  disliked  so  much,  I 
will  venture  you  now  prize  most  highly.  But  I  hope 
your  melancholy  bodings  as  to  her  early  death  are  not 
well  founded.  I  even  hope  that  ere  this  reaches  you 
she  will  have  returned  with  improved  and  still  im- 
proving health,  and  that  you  will  have  met  her,  and 
forgotten  the  sorrows  of  the  past  in  the  enjoyments 
of  the  present.  I  would  say  more  if  I  could,  but  it 
seems  that  I  have  said  enough.  It  really  appears  to 
me  that  you  yourself  ought  to  rejoice,  and  not  sorrow, 
at  this  indubitable  evidence  of  your  undying  affec- 
tion for  her.  Why,  Speed,  if  you  did  not  love  her, 


Abraham  Lincoln  257 

although  you  might  not  wish  her  death,  you  would 
most  certainly  be  resigned  to  it.  Perhaps  this  point 
is  no  longer  a  question  with  you,  and  my  pertinacious 
dwelling  upon  it  is  a  rude  intrusion  upon  your  feel- 
ings. If  so,  you  must  pardon  me.  You  know  the 
hell  I  have  suffered  on  that  point,  and  how  tender  I 
am  upon  it.  You  know  I  do  not  mean  wrong.  I 
have  been  quite  clear  of  "hypo"  since  you  left; 
even  better  than  I  was  along  in  the  fall.  I  have  seen 

—  but  once.  She  seemed  very  cheerful,  and  so  I 
said  nothing  to  her  about  what  we  spoke  of. 

Old  Uncle  Billy  Herndon  is  dead,  and  it  is  said  this 
evening  that  Uncle  Ben  Ferguson  will  not  live. 
This,  I  believe,  is  all  the  news,  and  enough  at  that 
unless  it  were  better.  Write  me  immediately  on  the 
receipt  of  this.  Your  friend,  as  ever, 

LINCOLN. 


TO   JOSHUA   F.    SPEED. 

SPRINGFIELD,  ILLINOIS,  February  13,  1842. 

DEAR  SPEED: — Yours  of  the  ist  instant  came  to 
hand  three  or  four  days  ago.  When  this  shall  reach 
you,  you  will  have  been  Fanny's  husband  several 
days.  You  know  my  desire  to  befriend  you  is  ever- 
lasting ;  that  I  will  never  cease  while  I  know  how  to 
do  anything.  But  you  will  always  hereafter  be  on 
ground  that  I  have  never  occupied,  and  consequently, 
if  advice  were  needed,  I  might  advise  wrong.  I  do 
fondly  hope,  however,  that  you  will  never  again  need 
any  comfort  from  abroad.  But  should  I  be  mistaken 
in  this,  should  excessive  pleasure  still  be  accompanied 


VOL.1. — 17. 


258  The  Writings  of 

with  a  painful  counterpart  at  times,  still  let  me  urge 
you,  as  I  have  ever  done,  to  remember,  in  the  depth 
and  even  agony  of  despondency,  that  very  shortly 
you  are  to  feel  well  again.  I  am  now  fully  convinced 
that  you  love  her  as  ardently  as  you  are  capable  of 
loving.  Your  ever  being  happy  in  her  presence,  and 
your  intense  anxiety  about  her  health,  if  there  were 
nothing  else,  would  place  this  beyond  all  dispute  in 
my  mind.  I  incline  to  think  it  probable  that  your 
nerves  will  fail  you  occasionally  for  a  while;  but 
once  you  get  them  firmly  guarded  now  that  trouble 
is  over  forever.  I  think,  if  I  were  you,  in  case  my 
mind  were  not  exactly  right,  I  would  avoid  being  idle. 
I  would  immediately  engage  in  some  business,  or  go 
to  making  preparations  for  it,  which  would  be  the 
same  thing.  If  you  went  through  the  ceremony 
calmly,  or  even  with  sufficient  composure  not  to 
excite  alarm  in  any  present,  you  are  safe  beyond 
question,  and  in  two  or  three  months,  to  say  the 
most,  will  be  the  happiest  of  men. 

I  would  desire  you  to  give  my  particular  respects 
to  Fanny ;  but  perhaps  you  will  not  wish  her  to  know 
you  have  received  this,  lest  she  should  desire  to  see  it. 
Make  her  write  me  an  answer  to  my  last  letter  to 
her ;  at  any  rate  I  would  set  great  value  upon  a  note 
or  letter  from  her.  Write  me  whenever  you  have 
leisure. 

Yours  forever, 

A.  LINCOLN. 

P.  S. — I  have  been  quite  a  man  since  you  left. 


Abraham  Lincoln  259 

TO    G.    B.    SHELEDY. 

SPRINGFIELD,  ILL.,  Feby.  16,  1842. 

G.  B.  SHELEDY,  ESQ.: 

Yours  of  the  loth  is  duly  received.  Judge  Logan 
and  myself  are  doing  business  together  now,  and  we 
are  willing  to  attend  to  your  cases  as  you  propose. 
As  to  the  terms,  we  are  willing  to  attend  each 
case  you  prepare  and  send  us  for  $10  (when  there 
shall  be  no  opposition)  to  be  sent  in  advance,  or  you 
to  know  that  it  is  safe.  It  takes  $5.75  of  cost  to 
start  upon,  that  is,  $1.75  to  clerk,  and  $2  to  each  of 
two  publishers  of  papers.  Judge  Logan  thinks  it  will 
take  the  balance  of  $20  to  carry  a  case  through.  This 
must  be  advanced  from  time  to  time  as  the  services 
are  performed,  as  the  officers  will  not  act  without.  I 
do  not  know  whether  you  can  be  admitted  an  attorney 
of  the  Federal  court  in  your  absence  or  not;  nor  is 
it  material,  as  the  business  can  be  done  in  our  names. 

Thinking  it  may  aid  you  a  little,  I  send  you  one 
of  our  blank  forms  of  Petitions.  It,  you  will  see,  is 
framed  to  be  sworn  to  before  the  Federal  court  clerk, 
and,  in  your  cases,  will  have  [to]  be  so  far  changed 
as  to  be  sworn  to  before  the  clerk  of  your  circuit 
court ;  and  his  certificate  must  be  accompanied  with 
his  official  seal.  The  schedules,  too,  must  be  attended 
to.  Be  sure  that  they  contain  the  creditors1  names, 
their  residences,  the  amounts  due  each,  the  debtors' 
names,  their  residences,  and  the  amounts  they  owe, 
also  all  property  and  where  located. 

Also  be  sure  that  the  schedules  are  all  signed  by 
the  applicants  as  well  as  the  Petition. 


260  The  Writings  of 

Publication  will  have  to  be  made  here  in  one  paper, 
and  in  one  nearest  the  residence  of  the  applicant. 
Write  us  in  each  case  where  the  last  advertisement 
is  to  be  sent,  whether  to  you  or  to  what  paper. 

I  believe  I  have  now  said  everything  that  can  be  of 
any  advantage. 

Your  friend  as  ever, 

A.  LINCOLN. 


TO   GEORGE    E.    PICKETT. 

February  22,  1842. 
•  «..... 

I  never  encourage  deceit,  and  falsehood,  especially 
if  you  have  got  a  bad  memory,  is  the  worst  enemy  a 
fellow  can  have.  The  fact  is  truth  is  your  truest 
friend,  no  matter  what  the  circumstances  are.  Not- 
withstanding this  copy-book  preamble,  my  boy,  I 
am  inclined  to  suggest  a  little  prudence  on  your  part. 
You  see  I  have  a  congenital  aversion  to  failure,  and 
the  sudden  announcement  to  your  Uncle  Andrew  of 
the  success  of  your  "lamp  rubbing"  might  possibly 
prevent  your  passing  the  severe  physical  examina- 
tion to  which  you  will  be  subjected  in  order  to  enter 
the  Military  Academy.  You  see  I  should  like  to 
have  a  perfect  soldier  credited  to  dear  old  Illinois — 
no  broken  bones,  scalp  wounds,  etc.  So  I  think  it 
might  be  wise  to  hand  this  letter  from  me  in  to  your 
good  uncle  through  his  room-window  after  he  has  had 
a  comfortable  dinner,  and  watch  its  effect  from  the  top 
of  the  pigeon-house. 


Abraham  Lincoln  261 

I  have  just  told  the  folks  here  in  Springfield  on 
this  i  nth  anniversary  of  the  birth  of  him  whose 
name,  mightiest  in  the  cause  of  civil  liberty,  still 
mightiest  in  the  cause  of  moral  reformation,  we 
mention  in  solemn  awe,  in  naked,  deathless  splendor, 
that  the  one  victory  we  can  ever  call  complete  will  be 
that  one  which  proclaims  that  there  is  not  one  slave 
or  one  drunkard  on  the  face  of  God's  green  earth. 
Recruit  for  this  victory. 

Now,  boy,  on  your  march,  don't  you  go  and  forget 
the  old  maxim  that ' '  one  drop  of  honey  catches  more 
flies  than  a  half -gallon  of  gall."  Load  your  musket 
with  this  maxim,  and  smoke  it  in  your  pipe. 


ADDRESS   BEFORE  THE   SPRINGFIELD  WASHINGTONIAN 
TEMPERANCE    SOCIETY,  FEBRUARY    22,    1842. 

Although  the  temperance  cause  has  been  in  pro- 
gress for  near  twenty  years,  it  is  apparent  to  all  that 
it  is  just  now  being  crowned  with  a  degree  of  suc- 
cess hitherto  unparalleled. 

The  list  of  its  friends  is  daily  swelled  by  the  addi- 
tions of  fifties,  of  hundreds,  and  of  thousands.  The 
cause  itself  seems  suddenly  transformed  from  a  cold 
abstract  theory  to  a  living,  breathing,  active,  and 
powerful  chieftain,  going  forth  "conquering  and  to 
conquer."  The  citadels  of  his  great  adversary 
are  daily  being  stormed  and  dismantled ;  his  temple 
and  his  altars,  where  the  rites  of  his  idolatrous  wor- 
ship have  long  been  performed,  and  where  human 


262  The  Writings  of 

sacrifices  have  long  been  wont  to  be  made,  are 
daily  desecrated  and  deserted.  The  triumph  of  the 
conqueror's  fame  is  sounding  from  hill  to  hill,  from 
sea  to  sea,  and  from  land  to  land,  and  calling  millions 
to  his  standard  at  a  blast. 

For  this  new  and  splendid  success  we  heartily  re- 
joice. That  that  success  is  so  much  greater  now  than 
heretofore  is  doubtless  owing  to  rational  causes ;  and 
if  we  would  have  it  continue,  we  shall  do  well  to 
inquire  what  those  causes  are. 

The  warfare  heretofore  waged  against  the  demon 
intemperance  has  somehow  or  other  been  erroneous. 
Either  the  champions  engaged  or  the  tactics  they 
adopted  have  not  been  the  most  proper.  These 
champions  for  the  most  part  have  been  preachers, 
lawyers,  and  hired  agents.  Between  these  and  the 
mass  of  mankind  there  is  a  want  of  approachability, 
if  the  term  be  admissible,  partially,  at  least,  fatal  to 
their  success.  They  are  supposed  to  have  no  sym- 
pathy of  feeling  or  interest  with  those  very  persons 
whom  it  is  their  object  to  convince  and  persuade. 

And  again,  it  is  so  common  and  so  easy  to  ascribe 
motives  to  men  of  these  classes  other  than  those  they 
profess  to  act  upon.  The  preacher,  it  is  said,  ad- 
vocates temperance  because  he  is  a  fanatic,  and 
desires  a  union  of  the  Church  and  State;  the  lawyer 
from  his  pride  and  vanity  of  hearing  himself  speak; 
and  the  hired  agent  for  his  salary.  But  when  one 
who  has  long  been  known  as  a  victim  of  intemperance 
bursts  the  fetters  that  have  bound  him,  and  appears 
before  his  neighbors  "clothed  and  in  his  right  mind," 
a  redeemed  specimen  of  long-lost  humanity,  and 


Abraham  Lincoln  263 

stands  up,  with  tears  of  joy  trembling  in  his  eyes,  to 
tell  of  the  miseries  once  endured,  now  to  be  endured 
no  more  forever;  of  his  once  naked  and  starving 
children,  now  clad  and  fed  comfortably;  of  a  wife 
long  weighed  down  with  woe,  weeping,  and  a  broken 
heart,  now  restored  to  health,  happiness,  and  a 
renewed  affection ;  and  how  easily  it  is  all  done,  once 
it  is  resolved  to  be  done ;  how  simple  his  language ! — 
there  is  a  logic  and  an  eloquence  in  it  that  few  with 
human  feelings  can  resist.  They  cannot  say  that  he 
desires  a  union  of  Church  and  State,  for  he  is  not  a 
church  member ;  they  cannot  say  he  is  vain  of  hearing 
himself  speak,  for  his  whole  demeanor  shows  he  would 
gladly  avoid  speaking  at  all;  they  cannot  say  he 
speaks  for  pay,  for  he  receives  none,  and  asks  for 
none.  Nor  can  his  sincerity  in  any  way  be  doubted, 
or  his  sympathy  for  those  he  would  persuade  to 
imitate  his  example  be  denied. 

In  my  judgment,  it  is  to  the  battles  of  this  new 
class  of  champions  that  our  late  success  is  greatly, 
perhaps  chiefly,  owing.  But,  had  the  old-school 
champions  themselves  been  of  the  most  wise  select- 
ing, was  their  system  of  tactics  the  most  judicious? 
It  seems  to  me  it  was  not.  Too  much  denunciation 
against  dram-sellers  and  dram-drinkers  was  indulged 
in.  This  I  think  was  both  impolitic  and  unjust.  It 
was  impolitic,  because  it  is  not  much  in  the  nature  of 
man  to  be  driven  to  anything ;  still  less  to  be  driven 
about  that  which  is  exclusively  his  own  business; 
and  least  of  all  where  such  driving  is  to  be  submitted 
to  at  the  expense  of  pecuniary  interest/  or  burning 
appetite.  When  the  dram-seller  and  drinker  were 


264  The  Writings  of 

incessantly  told — not  in  accents  of  entreaty  and  per- 
suasion, diffidently  addressed  by  erring  man  to  an 
erring  brother,  but  in  the  thundering  tones  of 
anathema  and  denunciation  with  which  the  lordly 
judge  often  groups  together  all  the  crimes  of  the 
felon's  life,  and  thrusts  them  in  his  face  just  ere  he 
passes  sentence  of  death  upon  him — that  they  were 
the  authors  of  all  the  vice  and  misery  and  crime  in 
the  land;  that  they  were  the  manufacturers  and 
material  of  all  the  thieves  and  robbers  and  murderers 
that  infest  the  earth;  that  their  houses  were  the 
workshops  of  the  devil ;  and  that  their  persons  should 
be  shunned  by  all  the  good  and  virtuous,  as  moral 
pestilences — I  say,  when  they  were  told  all  this,  and 
in  this  way,  it  is  not  wonderful  that  they  were  slow 
to  acknowledge  the  truth  of  such  denunciations,  and 
to  join  the  ranks  of  their  denouncers  in  a  hue  and 
cry  against  themselves. 

To  have  expected  them  to  do  otherwise  than  they 
did — to  have  expected  them  not  to  meet  denuncia- 
tion with  denunciation,  crimination  with  crimina- 
tion, and  anathema  with  anathema — was  to  expect 
a  reversal  of  human  nature,  which  is  God's  decree 
and  can  never  be  reversed. 

When  the  conduct  of  men  is  designed  to  be  influ- 
enced, persuasion,  kind,  unassuming  persuasion, 
should  ever  be  adopted.  It  is  an  old  and  a  true 
maxim  that  ' '  a  drop  of  honey  catches  more  flies  than 
a  gallon  of  gall."  So  with  men.  If  you  would  win 
a  man  to  your  cause,  first  convince  him  that  you  are 
his  sincere  friend.  Therein  is  a  drop  of  honey  that 
catches  his  heart,  which,  say  what  he  will,  is  the 


Abraham  Lincoln  265 

great  highroad  to  his  reason,  and  which,  when  once 
gained,  you  will  find  but  little  trouble  in  convincing 
his  judgment  of  the  justice  of  your  cause,  if  indeed 
that  cause  really  be  a  just  one.  On  the  contrary, 
assume  to  dictate  to  his  judgment,  or  to  command 
his  action,  or  to  mark  him  as  one  to  be  shunned  and 
despised,  and  he  will  retreat  within  himself,  close  all 
the  avenues  to  his  head  and  his  heart;  and  though 
your  cause  be  naked  truth  itself,  transformed  to  the 
heaviest  lance,  harder  than  steel,  and  sharper  than 
steel  can  be  made,  and  though  you  throw  it  with 
more  than  herculean  force  and  precision,  you  shall  be 
no  more  able  to  pierce  him  than  to  penetrate  the  hard 
shell  of  a  tortoise  with  a  rye  straw.  Such  is  man,  and 
so  must  he  be  understood  by  those  who  would  lead 
him,  even  to  his  own  best  interests. 

On  this  point  the  Washingtonians  greatly  excel 
the  temperance  advocates  of  former  times.  Those 
whom  they  desire  to  convince  and  persuade  are  their 
old  friends  and  companions.  They  know  they  are 
not  demons,  nor  even  the  worst  of  men ;  they  know 
that  generally  they  are  kind,  generous,  and  charitable 
even  beyond  the  example  of  their  more  staid  and 
sober  neighbors.  They  are  practical  philanthro- 
pists ;  and  they  glow  with  a  generous  and  brotherly 
zeal  that  mere  theorizers  are  incapable  of  feeling. 
Benevolence  and  charity  possess  their  hearts  entirely ; 
and  out  of  the  abundance  of  their  hearts  their  tongues 
give  utterance;  "love  through  all  their  actions 
runs,  and  all  their  words  are  mild."  In  this  spirit 
they  speak  and  act,  and  in  the  same  they  are  heard 
and  regarded.  And  when  such  is  the  temper  of  the 


266  The  Writings  of 

\ 
advocate,  and  such  of  the  audience,  no  good  cause 

can  be  unsuccessful.  But  I  have  said  that  denuncia- 
tions against  dram-sellers  and  dram-drinkers  are 
unjust,  as  well  as  impolitic.  Let  us  see.  I  have  not 
inquired  at  what  period  of  time  the  use  of  intoxicat- 
ing liquors  commenced ;  nor  is  it  important  to  know. 
It  is  sufficient  that,  to  all  of  us  who  now  inhabit  the 
world,  the  practice  of  drinking  them  is  just  as  old  as 
the  world  itself — that  is,  we  have  seen  the  one  just  as 
long  as  we  have  seen  the  other.  When  all  such  of  us 
as  have  now  reached  the  years  of  maturity  first 
opened  our  eyes  upon  the  stage  of  existence,  we 
found  intoxicating  liquor  recognized  by  everybody, 
used  by  everybody,  repudiated  by  nobody.  It  com- 
monly entered  into  the  first  draught  of  the  infant 
and  the  last  draught  of  the  dying  man.  From  the 
sideboard  of  the  parson  down  to  the  ragged  pocket 
of  the  houseless  loafer,  it  was  constantly  found. 
Physicians  prescribed  it  in  this,  that,  and  the  other 
disease;  government  provided  it  for  soldiers  and 
sailors;  and  to  have  a  rolling  or  raising,  a  husking 
or  "hoedown,"  anywhere  about  without  it  was  posi- 
tively insufferable.  So,  too,  it  was  everywhere  a 
respectable  article  of  manufacture  and  merchandise. 
The  making  of  it  was  regarded  as  an  honorable  liveli- 
hood, and  he  who  could  make  most  was  the  most 
enterprising  and  respectable.  Large  and  small  man- 
ufactories of  it  were  everywhere  erected,  in  which 
all  the  earthly  goods  of  their  owners  were  invested. 
Wagons  drew  it  from  town  to  town;  boats  bore  it 
from  clime  to  clime,  and  the  winds  wafted  it  from 
nation  to  nation;  and  merchants  bought  and  sold  it, 


Abraham  Lincoln  267 

by  wholesale  and  retail,  with  precisely  the  same 
feelings  on  the  part  of  the  seller,  buyer,  and  bystander 
as  are  felt  at  the  selling  and  buying  of  ploughs,  beef, 
bacon,  or  any  other  of  the  real  necessaries  of  life. 
Universal  public  opinion  not  only  tolerated  but 
recognized  and  adopted  its  use. 

It  is  true  that  even  then  it  was  known  and  ac- 
knowledged that  many  were  greatly  injured  by  it; 
but  none  seemed  to  think  the  injury  arose  from  the 
use  of  a  bad  thing,  but  from  the  abuse  of  a  very  good 
thing.  The  victims  of  it  were  to  be  pitied  and  com- 
passionated, just  as  are  the  heirs  of  consumption  and 
other  hereditary  diseases.  Their  failing  was  treated 
as  a  misfortune,  and  not  as  a  crime,  or  even  as  a  dis- 
grace. If,  then,  what  I  have  been  saying  is  true, 
is  it  wonderful  that  some  should  think  and  act  now 
as  all  thought  and  acted  twenty  years  ago  ?  and  is  it 
just  to  assail,  condemn,  or  despise  them  for  doing  so  ? 
The  universal  sense  of  mankind  on  any  subject  is  an 
argument,  or  at  least  an  influence,  not  easily  over- 
come. The  success  of  the  argument  in  favor  of  the 
existence  of  an  overruling  Providence  mainly  de- 
pends upon  that  sense ;  and  men  ought  not  in  justice 
to  be  denounced  for  yielding  to  it  in  any  case,  or 
giving  it  up  slowly,  especially  when  they  are  backed 
by  interest,  fixed  habits,  or  burning  appetites. 

Another  error,  as  it  seems  to  me,  into  which  the 
old  reformers  fell,  was  the  position  that  all  habitual 
drunkards  were  utterly  incorrigible,  and  therefore 
must  be  turned  adrift  and  damned  without  remedy 
in  order  that  the  grace  of  temperance  might  abound, 
to  the  temperate  then,  and  to  all  mankind  some 


268  The  Writings  of 

hundreds  of  years  thereafter.  There  is  in  this  some- 
thing so  repugnant  to  humanity,  so  uncharitable,  so 
cold-blooded  and  feelingless,  that  it  never  did  nor 
ever  can  enlist  the  enthusiasm  of  a  popular  cause. 
We  could  not  love  the  man  who  taught  it — we  could 
not  hear  him  with  patience.  The  heart  could  not 
throw  open  its  portals  to  it,  the  generous  man  could 
not  adopt  it — it  could  not  mix  with  his  blood.  It 
looked  so  fiendishly  selfish,  so  like  throwing  fathers 
and  brothers  overboard  to  lighten  the  boat  for  our 
security,  that  the  noble-minded  shrank  from  the 
manifest  meanness  of  the  thing.  And  besides  this, 
the  benefits  of  a  reformation  to  be  effected  by  such 
a  system  were  too  remote  in  point  of  time  to  warmly 
engage  many  in  its  behalf.  Few  can  be  induced  to 
labor  exclusively  for  posterity,  and  none  will  do  it 
enthusiastically.  Posterity  has  done  nothing  for  us ; 
and,  theorize  on  it  as  we  may,  practically  we  shall  do 
very  little  for  it,  unless  we  are  made  to  think  we  are 
at  the  same  time  doing  something  for  ourselves. 

What  an  ignorance  of  human  nature  does  it  exhibit 
to  ask  or  to  expect  a  whole  community  to  rise  up  and 
labor  for  the  temporal  happiness  of  others,  after 
themselves  shall  be  consigned  to  the  dust,  a  majority 
of  which  community  take  no  pains  whatever  to 
secure  their  own  eternal  welfare  at  no  more  distant 
day!  Great  distance  in  either  time  or  space  has 
wonderful  power  to  lull  and  render  quiescent  the 
human  mind.  Pleasures  to  be  enjoyed,  or  pains  to 
be  endured,  after  we  shall  be  dead  and  gone  are  but 
little  regarded  even  in  our  own  cases,  and  much  less 
in  the  cases  of  others.  Still,  in  addition  to  this  there 


Abraham  Lincoln  269 

is  something  so  ludicrous  in  promises  of  good  or 
threats  of  evil  a  great  way  off  as  to  render  the  whole 
subject  with  which  they  are  connected  easily  turned 
into  ridicule.  "Better  lay  down  that  spade  you  are 
stealing,  Paddy;  if  you  don't  you  '11  pay  for  it  at  the 
day  of  judgment."  uBe  the  powers,  if  yell  credit 
me  so  long  I  '11  take  another  jist." 

By  the  Washingtonians  this  system  of  consigning 
the  habitual  drunkard  to  hopeless  ruin  is  repudiated. 
They  adopt  a  more  enlarged  philanthropy;  they  go 
for  present  as  well  as  future  good.  They  labor  for 
all  now  living,  as  well  as  hereafter  to  live.  They 
teach  hope  to  all — despair  to  none.  As  applying  to 
their  cause,  they  deny  the  doctrine  of  unpardonable 
sin;  as  in  Christianity  it  is  taught,  so  in  this  they 
teach — "While  the  lamp  holds  out  to  burn,  The 
vilest  sinner  may  return."  And,  what  is  a  matter 
of  more  profound  congratulation,  they,  by  experi- 
ment upon  experiment  and  example  upon  example, 
prove  the  maxim  to  be  no  less  true  in  the  one  case 
than  in  the  other.  On  every  hand  we  behold  those 
who  but  yesterday  were  the  chief  of  sinners,  now  the 
chief  apostles  of  the  cause.  Drunken  devils  are  cast 
out  by  ones,  by  sevens,  by  legions ;  and  their  unfortu- 
nate victims,  like  the  poor  possessed  who  were  re- 
deemed from  their  long  and  lonely  wanderings  in 
the  tombs,  are  publishing  to  the  ends  of  the  earth 
how  great  things  have  been  done  for  them. 

To  these  new  champions  and  this  new  system  of 
tactics  our  late  success  is  mainly  owing,  and  to  them 
we  must  mainly  look  for  the  final  consummation. 
The  ball  is  now  rolling  gloriously  on,  and  none  are  so 


270  The  Writings  of 

able  as  they  to  increase  its  speed  and  its  bulk,  to  add 
to  its  momentum  and  its  magnitude — even  though 
unlearned  in  letters,  for  this  task  none  are  so  well 
educated.  To  fit  them  for  this  work  they  have  been 
taught  in  the  true  school.  They  have  been  in  that 
gulf  from  which  they  would  teach  others  the  means 
of  escape.  They  have  passed  that  prison  wall 
which  others  have  long  declared  impassable;  and 
who  that  has  not  shall  dare  to  weigh  opinions  with 
them  as  to  the  mode  of  passing? 

But  if  it  be  true,  as  I  have  insisted,  that  those  who 
have  suffered  by  intemperance  personally,  and  have 
reformed,  are  the  most  powerful  and  efficient  instru- 
ments to  push  the  reformation  to  ultimate  success,  it 
does  not  follow  that  those  who  have  not  suffered 
have  no  part  left  them  to  perform.  Whether  or  not 
the  world  would  be  vastly  benefited  by  a  total  and 
final  banishment  from  it  of  all  intoxicating  drinks 
seems  to  me  not  now  an  open  question.  Three 
fourths  of  mankind  confess  the  affirmative  with  their 
tongues,  and,  I  believe,  all  the  rest  acknowledge  it  in 
their  hearts. 

Ought  any,  then,  to  refuse  their  aid  in  doing  what 
good  the  good  of  the  whole  demands  ?  Shall  he  who 
cannot  do  much  be  for  that  reason  excused  if  he  do 
nothing?  "But,"  says  one,  "what  good  can  I  do  by 
signing  the  pledge?  I  never  drank,  even  without 
signing."  This  question  has  already  been  asked  and 
answered  more  than  a  million  of  times.  Let  it  be 
answered  once  more.  For  the  man  suddenly  or  in 
any  other  way  to  break  off  from  the  use  of  drams, 
who  has  indulged  in  them  for  a  long  course  of  years 


Abraham  Lincoln  271 

and  until  his  appetite  for  them  has  grown  ten-  or  a 
hundred-fold  stronger  and  more  craving  than  any 
natural  appetite  can  be,  requires  a  most  powerful 
moral  effort.  In  such  an  undertaking  he  needs  every 
moral  support  and  influence  that  can  possibly  be 
brought  to  his  aid  and  thrown  around  him.  And  not 
only  so,  but  every  moral  prop  should  be  taken  from 
whatever  argument  might  rise  in  his  mind  to  lure 
him  to  his  backsliding.  When  he  casts  his  eyes 
around  him,  he  should  be  able  to  see  all  that  he 
respects,  all  that  he  admires,  all  that  he  loves,  kind- 
ly and  anxiously  pointing  him  onward,  and  none 
beckoning  him  back  to  his  former  miserable  "wal- 
lowing in  the  mire." 

But  it  is  said  by  some  that  men  will  think  and  act 
for  themselves;  that  none  will  disuse  spirits  or 
anything  else  because  his  neighbors  do;  and  that 
moral  influence  is  not  that  powerful  engine  contended 
for.  Let  us  examine  this.  Let  me  ask  the  man 
who  could  maintain  this  position  most  stiffly,  what 
compensation  he  will  accept  to  go  to  church  some 
Sunday  and  sit  during  the  sermon  with  his  wife's 
bonnet  upon  his  head?  Not  a  trifle,  I  '11  venture. 
And  why  not?  There  would  be  nothing  irreligious 
in  it,  nothing  immoral,  nothing  uncomfortable — • 
then  why  not?  Is  it  not  because  there  would  be 
something  egregiously  unfashionable  in  it?  Then 
it  is  the  influence  of  fashion ;  and  what  is  the  influ- 
ence of  fashion  but  the  influence  that  other  people's 
actions  have  on  our  actions — the  strong  inclina- 
tion each  of  us  feels  to  do  as  we  see  all  our  neighbors 
do  ?  Nor  is  the  influence  of  fashion  confined  to  any 


272  The  Writings  of 

particular  thing  or  class  of  things ;  it  is  just  as  strong 
on  one  subject  as  another.  Let  us  make  it  as  un- 
fashionable to  withhold  our  names  from  the  temper- 
ance cause  as  for  husbands  to  wear  their  wives' 
bonnets  to  church,  and  instances  will  be  just  as  rare 
in  the  one  case  as  the  other. 

"But,"  say  some,  "we  are  no  drunkards,  and  we 
shall  not  acknowledge  ourselves  such  by  joining  a 
reformed  drunkard's  society,  whatever  our  influence 
might  be."  Surely  no  Christian  will  adhere  to  this 
objection.  If  they  believe  as  they  profess,  that 
Omnipotence  condescended  to  take  on  himself  the 
form  of  sinful  man,  and  as  such  to  die  an  ignominious 
death  for  their  sakes,  surely  they  will  not  refuse  sub- 
mission to  the  infinitely  lesser  condescension,  for  the 
temporal,  and  perhaps  eternal,  salvation  of  a  large, 
erring,  and  unfortunate  class  of  their  fellow-creatures. 
Nor  is  the  condescension  very  great.  In  my  judg- 
ment such  of  us  as  have  never  fallen  victims  have 
been  spared  more  by  the  absence  of  appetite  than 
from  any  mental  or  moral  superiority  over  those  who 
have.  Indeed,  I  believe  if  we  take  habitual  drunk- 
ards as  a  class,  their  heads  and  their  hearts  will  bear 
an  advantageous  comparison  with  those  of  any  other 
class.  There  seems  ever  to  have  been  a  proneness  in 
the  brilliant  and  warm-blooded  to  fall  into  this  vice — 
the  demon  of  intemperance  ever  seems  to  have  de- 
lighted in  sucking  the  blood  of  genius  and  of  gen- 
erosity. What  one  of  us  but  can  call  to  mind  some 
relative,  more  promising  in  youth  than  all  his  fellows, 
who  has  fallen  a  sacrifice  to  his  rapacity?  He  ever 
seems  to  have  gone  forth  like  the  Egyptian  angel 


Abraham  Lincoln  273 

of  death,  commissioned  to  slay,  if  not  the  first,  the 
fairest  born  of  every  family.  Shall  he  now  be  ar- 
rested in  his  desolating  career?  In  that  arrest  all 
can  give  aid  that  will ;  and  who  shall  be  excused  that 
can  and  will  not  ?  Far  around  as  human  breath  has 
ever  blown  he  keeps  our  fathers,  our  brothers,  our 
sons,  and  our  friends  prostrate  in  the  chains  of  moral 
death.  To  all  the  living  everywhere  we  cry,  "Come 
sound  the  moral  trump,  that  these  may  rise  and 
stand  up  an  exceeding  great  army."  "Come  from 
the  four  winds,  O  breath!  and  breathe  upon  these 
slain  that  they  may  live."  If  the  relative  grandeur 
of  revolutions  shall  be  estimated  by  the  great  amount 
of  human  misery  they  alleviate,  and  the  small 
amount  they  inflict,  then  indeed  will  this  be  the 
grandest  the  world  shall  ever  have  seen. 

Of  our  political  revolution  of  '76  we  are  all  justly 
proud.  It  has  given  us  a  degree  of  political  free- 
dom far  exceeding  that  of  any  other  nation  of  the 
earth.  In  it  the  world  has  found  a  solution  of  the 
long-mooted  problem  as  to  the  capability  of  man  to 
govern  himself.  In  it  was  the  germ  which  has 
vegetated,  and  still  is  to  grow  and  expand  into  the 
universal  liberty  of  mankind.  But,  with  all  these 
glorious  results,  past,  present,  and  to  come,  it  had  its 
evils  too.  It  breathed  forth  famine,  swam  in  blood, 
and  rode  in  fire ;  and  long,  long  after,  the  orphan's  cry 
and  the  widow's  wail  continued  to  break  the  sad 
silence  that  ensued.  These  were  the  price,  the  in- 
evitable price,  paid  for  the  blessings  it  bought. 

Turn  now  to  the  temperance  revolution.  In  it 
we  shall  find  a  stronger  bondage  broken,  a  viler 


274  The  Writings  of 

slavery  manumitted,  a  greater  tyrant  deposed ;  in  it, 
more  of  want  supplied,  more  disease  healed,  more 
sorrow  assuaged.  By  it  no  orphans  starving,  no 
widows  weeping.  By  it  none  wounded  in  feeling, 
none  injured  in  interest;  even  the  dram-maker  and 
dram-seller  will  have  glided  into  other  occupations 
so  gradually  as  never  to  have  felt  the  change,  and  will 
stand  ready  to  join  all  others  in  the  universal  song  of 
gladness.  And  what  a  noble  ally  this  to  the  cause  of 
political  freedom ;  with  such  an  aid  its  march  cannot 
fail  to  be  on  and  on,  till  every  son  of  earth  shall  drink 
in  rich  fruition  the  sorrow-quenching  draughts  of 
perfect  liberty.  Happy  day  when — all  appetites 
controlled,  all  poisons  subdued,  all  matter  sub- 
jected— mind,  all-conquering  mind,  shall  live  and 
move,  the  monarch  of  the  world.  Glorious  consum- 
mation! Hail,  fall  of  fury!  Reign  of  reason,  all 
hail! 

And  when  the  victory  shall  be  complete, — when 
there  shall  be  neither  a  slave  nor  a  drunkard  on  the 
earth, — how  proud  the  title  of  that  land  which  may 
truly  claim  to  be  the  birthplace  and  the  cradle  of  both 
those  revolutions  that  shall  have  ended  in  that 
victory.  How  nobly  distinguished  that  people  who 
shall  have  planted  and  nurtured  to  maturity  both  the 
political  and  moral  freedom  of  their  species. 

This  is  the  one  hundred  and  tenth  anniversary  of 
the  birthday  of  Washington;  we  are  met  to  cele- 
brate this  day.  Washington  is  the  mightiest  name 
of  earth — long  since  mightiest  in  the  cause  of  civil 
liberty,  still  mightiest  in  moral  reformation.  On 
that  name  no  eulogy  is  expected.  It  cannot  be.  To 


Abraham  Lincoln  275 

add  brightness  to  the  sun  or  glory  to  the  name  of 
Washington  is  alike  impossible.  Let  none  attempt 
it.  In  solemn  awe  pronounce  the  name,  and  in  its 
naked  deathless  splendor  leave  it  shining  on. 


TO    JOSHUA    F.    SPEED. 

SPRINGFIELD,  February  25,  1842. 

DEAR  SPEED  : — Yours  of  the  i6th  instant,  announc- 
ing that  Miss  Fanny  and  you  are  "no  more  twain, 
but  one  flesh,"  reached  me  this  morning.  I  have 
no  way  of  telling  you  how  much  happiness  I  wish 
you  both,  though  I  believe  you  both  can  conceive  it. 
I  feel  somewhat  jealous  of  both  of  you  now:  you  will 
be  so  exclusively  concerned  for  one  another,  that  I 
shall  be  forgotten  entirely.  My  acquaintance  with 
Miss  Fanny  (I  call  her  this,  lest  you  should  think  I 
am  speaking  of  your  mother)  was  too  short  for  me 
to  reasonably  hope  to  long  be  remembered  by  her; 
and  still  I  am  sure  I  shall  not  forget  her  soon.  Try 
if  you  cannot  remind  her  of  that  debt  she  owes  me — 
and  be  sure  you  do  not  interfere  to  prevent  her 
paying  it. 

I  regret  to  learn  that  you  have  resolved  to  not 
return  to  Illinois.  I  shall  be  very  lonesome  without 
you.  How  miserably  things  seem  to  be  arranged  in 
this  world!  If  we  have  no  friends,  we  have  no  pleas- 
ure; and  if  we  have  them,  we  are  sure  to  lose  them, 
and  be  doubly  pained  by  the  loss.  I  did  hope  she 
and  you  would  make  your  home  here;  but  I  own  I 
have  no  right  to  insist.  You  owe  obligations  to  her 


276  The  Writings  of 

ten  thousand  times  more  sacred  than  you  can  owe 
to  others,  and  in  that  light  let  them  be  respected  and 
observed.  It  is  natural  that  she  should  desire  to 
remain  with  her  relatives  and  friends.  As  to  friends, 
however,  she  could  not  need  them  anywhere:  she 
would  have  them  in  abundance  here. 

Give  my  kind  remembrance  to  Mr.  Williamson  and 
his  family,  particularly  Miss  Elizabeth ;  also  to  your 
mother,  brother,  and  sisters.  Ask  little  Eliza  Davis 
if  she  will  ride  to  town  with  me  if  I  come  there  again. 
And  finally,  give  Fanny  a  double  reciprocation  of  all 
the  love  she  sent  me.  Write  me  often,  and  believe 
me 

Yours  forever, 
LINCOLN. 

P.  S. — Poor  Easthouse  is  gone  at  last.  He  died 
awhile  before  day  this  morning.  They  say  he  was 
very  loath  to  die.  .  .  . 

L. 


TO   JOSHUA    F.    SPEED. 

SPRINGFIELD,  February  25,  1842. 

DEAR  SPEED  : — I  received  yours  of  the  1 2th  written 
the  day  you  went  down  to  William's  place,  some  days 
since,  but  delayed  answering  it  till  I  should  receive 
the  promised  one  of  the  i6th,  which  came  last  night. 
I  opened  the  letter  with  intense  anxiety  and  trepida- 
tion ;  so  much  so,  that,  although  it  turned  out  better 
than  I  expected,  I  have  hardly  yet,  at  a  distance  of 
ten  hours,  become  calm. 

I  tell  you,  Speed,  our  forebodings  (for  which  you 


Abraham  Lincoln  277 

and  I  are  peculiar)  are  all  the  worst  sort  of  nonsense. 
I  fancied,  from  the  time  I  received  your  letter  of 
Saturday,  that  the  one  of  Wednesday  was  never  to 
come,  and  yet  it  did  come,  and  what  is  more,  it  is  per- 
fectly clear,  both  from  its  tone  and  handwriting,  that 
you  were  much  happier,  or,  if  you  think  the  term  pre- 
ferable, less  miserable,  when  you  wrote  it  than  when 
you  wrote  the  last  one  before.  You  had  so  obviously 
improved  at  the  very  time  I  so  much  fancied  you 
would  have  grown  worse.  You  say  that  something 
indescribably  horrible  and  alarming  still  haunts  you. 
You  will  not  say  that  three  months  from  now,  I  will 
venture.  When  your  nerves  once  get  steady  now, 
the  whole  trouble  will  be  over  forever.  Nor  should 
you  become  impatient  at  their  being  even  very  slow 
in  becoming  steady.  Again  you  say,  you  much  fear 
that  that  Elysium  of  which  you  have  dreamed  so 
much  is  never  to  be  realized.  Well,  if  it  shall  not, 
I  dare  swear  it  will  not  be  the  fault  of  her  who  is  now 
your  wife.  I  now  have  no  doubt  that  it  is  the 
peculiar  misfortune  of  both  you  and  me  to  dream 
dreams  of  Elysium  far  exceeding  all  that  anything 
earthly  can  realize.  Far  short  of  your  dreams  as 
you  may  be,  no  woman  could  do  more  to  realize  them 
than  that  same  black-eyed  Fanny.  If  you  could  but 
contemplate  her  through  my  imagination,  it  would 
appear  ridiculous  to  you  that  any  one  should  for  a 
moment  think  of  being  unhappy  with  her.  My  old 
father  used  to  have  a  saying  that  "If  you  make  a  bad 
bargain,  hug  it  all  the  tighter" ;  and  it  occurs  to  me 
that  if  the  bargain  you  have  just  closed  can  possibly 
be  called  a  bad  one,  it  is  certainly  the  most  pleasant 


278  The  Writings  of 

one  for  applying  that  maxim  to  which  my  fancy  can 
by  any  effort  picture. 

I  write  another  letter,  inclosing  this,  which  you 
can  show  her,  if  she  desires  it.  I  do  this  because 
she  would  think  strangely,  perhaps,  should  you  tell 
her  that  you  received  no  letters  from  me,  or,  telling 
her  you  do,  refuse  to  let  her  see  them.  I  close  this, 
entertaining  the  confident  hope  that  every  successive 
letter  I  shall  have  from  you  (which  I  here  pray  may 
not  be  few,  nor  far  between)  may  show  you  possess- 
ing a  more  steady  hand  and  cheerful  heart  than  the 
last  preceding  it. 

As  ever,  your  friend, 

LINCOLN. 


TO   JOSHUA    F.    SPEED. 

SPRINGFIELD,  March  27,  1842. 

DEAR  SPEED: — Yours  of  the  loth  instant  was  re- 
ceived three  or  four  days  since.  You  know  I  am 
sincere  when  I  tell  you  the  pleasure  its  contents  gave 
me  was,  and  is,  inexpressible.  As  to  your  farm 
matter,  I  have  no  sympathy  with  you.  I  have  no 
farm,  nor  ever  expect  to  have,  and  consequently 
have  not  studied  the  subject  enough  to  be  much 
interested  with  it.  I  can  only  say  that  I  am  glad 
you  are  satisfied  and  pleased  with  it.  But  on  that 
other  subject,  to  me  of  the  most  intense  interest 
whether  in  joy  or  sorrow,  I  never  had  the  power  to 
withhold  my  sympathy  from  you.  It  cannot  be  told 
how  it  now  thrills  me  with  joy  to  hear  you  say  you  are 
"far  happier  than  you  ever  expected  to  be."  That 


Abraham  Lincoln  279 

much  I  know  is  enough.  I  know  you  too  well  to 
suppose  your  expectations  were  not,  at  least,  some- 
times extravagant,  and  if  the  reality  exceeds  them 
all,  I  say,  Enough,  dear  Lord.  I  am  not  going 
beyond  the  truth  when  I  tell  you  that  the  short  space 
it  took  me  to  read  your  last  letter  gave  me  more 
pleasure  than  the  total  sum  of  all  I  have  enjoyed 
since  the  fatal  ist  of  January,  1841.  Since  then  it 
seems  to  me  I  should  have  been  entirely  happy,  but 
for  the  never-absent  idea  that  there  is  one  still 
unhappy  whom  I  have  contributed  to  make  so. 
That  still  kills  my  soul.  I  cannot  but  reproach 
myself  for  even  wishing  to  be  happy  while  she  is 
otherwise.  She  accompanied  a  large  party  on  the 
railroad  cars  to  Jacksonville  last  Monday,  and  on  her 
return  spoke,  so  that  I  heard  of  it,  of  having  enjoyed 
the  trip  exceedingly.  God  be  praised  for  that. 

You  know  with  what  sleepless  vigilance  I  have 
watched  you  ever  since  the  commencement  of  your 
affair ;  and  although  I  am  almost  confident  it  is  use- 
less, I  cannot  forbear  once  more  to  say  that  I  think 
it  is  even  yet  possible  for  your  spirits  to  flag  down 
and  leave  you  miserable.  If  they  should,  don't  fail 
to  remember  that  they  cannot  long  remain  so.  One 
thing  I  can  tell  you  which  I  know  you  will  be  glad  to 

hear,  and  that  is  that  I  have  seen and  scrutinized 

her  feelings  as  well  as  I  could,  and  am  fully  convinced 
she  is  far  happier  now  than  she  has  been  for  the  last 
fifteen  months  past. 

You  will  see  by  the  last  Sangamon  Journal  that  I 
made  a  temperance  speech  on  the  226.  of  February, 
which  I  claim  that  Fanny  and  you  shall  read  as  an 


280  The  Writings  of 

act  of  charity  to  me ;  for  I  cannot  learn  that  anybody 
else  has  read  it,  or  is  likely  to.  Fortunately  it  is  not 
very  long,  and  I  shall  deem  it  a  sufficient  compliance 
with  my  request  if  one  of  you  listens  while  the  other 
reads  it. 

As  to  your  Lockridge  matter,  it  is  only  necessary 
to  say  that  there  has  been  no  court  since  you  left,  and 
that  the  next  commences  to-morrow  morning,  during 
which  I  suppose  we  cannot  fail  to  get  a  judgment. 

I  wish  you  would  learn  of  Everett  what  he  would 
take,  over  and  above  a  discharge  for  all  the  trouble 
we  have  been  at,  to  take  his  business  out  of  our 
hands  and  give  it  to  somebody  else.  It  is  impos- 
sible to  collect  money  on  that  or  any  other  claim 
here  now;  and  although  you  know  I  am  not  a  very 
petulant  man,  I  declare  I  am  almost  out  of  patience 
with  Mr.  Everett's  importunity.  It  seems  like  he 
not  only  writes  all  the  letters  he  can  himself,  but  gets 
everybody  else  in  Louisville  and  vicinity  to  be  con- 
stantly writing  to  us  about  his  claim.  I  have  always 
said  that  Mr.  Everett  is  a  very  clever  fellow,  and  I 
am  very  sorry  he  cannot  be  obliged ;  but  it  does  seem 
to  me  he  ought  to  know  we  are  interested  to  collect 
his  claim,  and  therefore  would  do  it  if  we  could. 

I  am  neither  joking  nor  in  a  pet  when  I  say  we 
would  thank  him  to  transfer  his  business  to  some 
other,  without  any  compensation  for  what  we  have 
done,  provided  he  will  see  the  court  cost  paid,  for 
which  we  are  security. 

The  sweet  violet  you  inclosed  came  safely  to  hand, 
but  it  was  so  dry,  and  mashed  so  flat,  that  it  crum- 
bled to  dust  at  the  first  attempt  to  handle  it.  The 


Abraham  Lincoln  281 

juice  that  mashed  out  of  it  stained  a  place  in  the 
letter,  which  I  mean  to  preserve  and  cherish  for  the 
sake  of  her  who  procured  it  to  be  sent.  My  renewed 
good  wishes  to  her  in  particular,  and  generally  to  all 
such  of  your  relations  who  know  me. 

As  ever, 
LINCOLN. 


TO   JOSHUA    F.    SPEED. 

SPRINGFIELD,  ILLINOIS,  July  4,  1842. 

DEAR  SPEED  : — Yours  of  the  1 6th  June  was  received 
only  a  day  or  two  since.  It  was  not  mailed  at  Louis- 
ville till  the  25th.  You  speak  of  the  great  time  that 
has  elapsed  since  I  wrote  you.  Let  me  explain  that. 
Your  letter  reached  here  a  day  or  two  after  I 
started  on  the  circuit.  I  was  gone  five  or  six  weeks, 
so  that  I  got  the  letters  only  a  few  weeks  before 
Butler  started  to  your  country.  I  thought  it 
scarcely  worth  while  to  write  you  the  news  which  he 
could  and  would  tell  you  more  in  detail.  On  his 
return  he  told  me  you  would  write  me  soon,  and  so  I 
waited  for  your  letter.  As  to  my  having  been  dis- 
pleased with  your  advice,  surely  you  know  better 
than  that.  I  know  you  do,  and  therefore  will  not 
labor  to  convince  you.  True,  that  subject  is  painful 
to  me ;  but  it  is  not  your  silence,  or  the  silence  of  all 
the  world,  that  can  make  me  forget  it.  I  acknow- 
ledge the  correctness  of  your  advice  too ;  but  before  I 
resolve  to  do  the  one  thing  or  the  other,  I  must  gain 
my  confidence  in  my  own  ability  to  keep  my  resolves 


282  The  Writings  of 

when  they  are  made.  In  that  ability  you  know  I 
once  prided  myself  as  the  only  or  chief  gem  of  my 
character ;  that  gem  I  lost — how  and  where  you  know 
too  well.  I  have  not  yet  regained  it ;  and  until  I  do, 
I  cannot  trust  myself  in  any  matter  of  much  import- 
ance. I  believe  now  that  had  you  understood  my 
case  at  the  time  as  well  as  I  understand  yours  after- 
ward, by  the  aid  you  would  have  given  me  I  should 
have  sailed  through  clear,  but  that  does  not  now 
afford  me  sufficient  confidence  to  begin  that  or  the 
like  of  that  again. 

You  make  a  kind  acknowledgment  of  your  obliga- 
tions to  me  for  your  present  happiness.  I  am  pleased 
with  that  acknowledgment.  But  a  thousand  times 
more  am  I  pleased  to  know  that  you  enjoy  a  degree 
of  happiness  worthy  of  an  acknowledgment.  The 
truth  is,  I  am  not  sure  that  there  was  any  merit  with 
me  in  the  part  I  took  in  your  difficulty ;  I  was  drawn 
to  it  by  a  fate.  If  I  would  I  could  not  have  done  less 
than  I  did.  I  always  was  superstitious;  I  believe 
God  made  me  one  of  the  instruments  of  bringing 
your  Fanny  and  you  together,  which  union  I  have  no 
doubt  He  had  fore-ordained.  Whatever  He  designs 
He  will  do  for  me  yet.  "Stand  still,  and  see  the 
salvation  of  the  Lord"  is  my  text  just  now.  If, 
as  you  say,  you  have  told  Fanny  all,  I  should  have 
no  objection  to  her  seeing  this  letter,  but  for  its 
reference  to  our  friend  here :  let  her  seeing  it  depend 
upon  whether  she  has  ever  known  anything  of  my 
affairs ;  and  if  she  has  not,  do  not  let  her. 

I  do  not  think  I  can  come  to  Kentucky  this  season. 
I  am  so  poor  and  make  so  little  headway  in  the 


Abraham  Lincoln  283 

world,  that  I  drop  back  in  a  month  of  idleness  as 
much  as  I  gain  in  a  year's  sowing.  I  should  like  to 
visit  you  again.  I  should  like  to  see  that  "sis"  of 
yours  that  was  absent  when  I  was  there,  though  I 
suppose  she  would  run  away  again  if  she  were  to  hear 
I  was  coming. 

My  respects  and  esteem  to  all  your  friends  there, 
and,  by  your  permission,  my  love  to  your  Fanny. 

Ever  yours, 
LINCOLN. 


A   LETTER   FROM   THE   LOST   TOWNSHIPS.1 

LOST  TOWNSHIPS,  August  27,  1842. 

DEAR  MR.  PRINTER: 

I  see  you  printed  that  long  letter  I  sent  you  a 
spell  ago.  I'm  quite  encouraged  by  it,  and  can't 
keep  from  writing  again.  I  think  the  printing  of 
my  letters  will  be  a  good  thing  all  round — it  will 
give  me  the  benefit  of  being  known  by  the  world, 
and  give  the  world  the  advantage  of  knowing  what 's 
going  on  in  the  Lost  Townships,  and  give  your 
paper  respectability  besides.  So  here  comes  another. 
Yesterday  afternoon  I  hurried  through  cleaning  up 

the  dinner  dishes  and  stepped  over  to  neighbor  S 

to  see  if  his  wife  Peggy  was  as  well  as  mout  be 

1  Article  written  by  Lincoln  for  the  Sangamon  Journal  in  ridicule 
of  James  Shields,  who,  as  State  Auditor,  had  declined  to  receive  State 
Bank  notes  in  payment  of  taxes.  The  above  letter  purported  to  come 
from  a  poor  widow  who,  though  supplied  with  State  Bank  paper,  could 
not  obtain  a  receipt  for  her  tax  bill.  This,  and  another  subsequent 
letter  by  Mary  Todd,  brought  about  the  "  Lincoln-Shields  Duel." 


284  The  Writings  of 

expected,  and  hear  what  they  called  the  baby. 
Well,  when  I  got  there  and  just  turned  round  the 
corner  of  his  log  cabin,  there  he  was,  setting  on  the 
doorstep  reading  a  newspaper.  "How  are  you, 
Jeff?"  says  I.  He  sorter  started  when  he  heard  me, 
for  he  hadn't  seen  me  before.  "Why,"  says  he, 
"I'm  mad  as  the  devil,  Aunt  'Becca!"  "What 
about?"  says  I;  "ain't  its  hair  the  right  color? 
None  of  that  nonsense,  Jeff;  there  ain't  an  honester 
woman  in  the  Lost  Townships  than " — "Than  who ? " 
says  he;  "what  the  mischief  are  you  about?"  I 
began  to  see  I  was  running  the  wrong  trail,  and  so 
says  I,  "Oh!  nothing:  I  guess  I  was  mistaken  a  little, 
that 's  all.  But  what  is  it  you  're  mad  about?" 

"Why,"  says  he,  "I  've  been  tugging  ever  since 
harvest,  getting  out  wheat  and  hauling  it  to  the 
river  to  raise  State  Bank  paper  enough  to  pay  my 
tax  this  year  and  a  little  school  debt  I  owe;  and 
now,  just  as  I  've  got  it,  here  I  open  this  infernal 
Extra  Register,  expecting  to  find  it  full  of  'Glo- 
rious Democratic  Victories'  and  'High  Comb'd 
Cocks,'  when,  lo  and  behold!  I  find  a  set  of  fellows, 
calling  themselves  officers  of  the  State,  have  forbid- 
den the  tax  collectors  and  school  commissioners  to 
receive  State  paper  at  all;  and  so  here  it  is  dead  on 
my  hands.  I  don't  now  believe  all  the  plunder  I  've 
got  will  fetch  ready  cash  enough  to  pay  my  taxes 
and  that  school  debt." 

I  was  a  good  deal  thunderstruck  myself;  for  that 
was  the  first  I  had  heard  of  the  proclamation,  and 
my  old  man  was  pretty  much  in  the  same  fix  with 
Jeff.  We  both  stood  a  moment  staring  at  one 


Abraham  Lincoln  285 

another  without  knowing  what  to  say.  At  last  says 

I,  "Mr.  S ,  let  me  look  at  that  paper."  He 

handed  it  to  me,  when  I  read  the  proclamation 
over. 

"There  now,"  says  he,  "did  you  ever  see  such  a 
piece  of  impudence  and  imposition  as  that?"  I 
saw  Jeff  was  in  a  good  tune  for  saying  some  ill- 
natured  things,  and  so  I  tho't  I  would  just  argue  a 
little  on  the  contrary  side,  and  make  him  rant  a 
spell  if  I  could.  "Why,"  says  I,  looking  as  digni- 
fied and  thoughtful  as  I  could,  "it  seems  pretty 
tough,  to  be  sure,  to  have  to  raise  silver  where 
there  's  none  to  be  raised;  but  then,  you  see,  'there 
will  be  danger  of  loss'  if  it  ain't  done." 

"Loss!  damnation!"  says  he.  "I  defy  Daniel 
Webster,  I  defy  King  Solomon,  I  defy  the  world — 
I  defy — I  defy — yes,  I  defy  even  you,  Aunt  'Becca, 
to  show  how  the  people  can  lose  anything  by  pay- 
ing their  taxes  in  State  paper." 

"Well,"  says  I,  "you  see  what  the  officers  of  State 
say  about  it,  and  they  are  a  desarnin'  set  of  men. 
But,"  says  I,  "I  guess  you're  mistaken  about  what 
the  proclamation  says.  It  don't  say  the  people  will 
lose  anything  by  the  paper  money  being  taken  for 
taxes.  It  only  says  'there  will  be  danger  of  loss'; 
and  though  it  is  tolerable  plain  that  the  people  can't 
lose  by  paying  their  taxes  in  something  they  can 
get  easier  than  silver,  instead  of  having  to  pay  sil- 
ver; and  though  it's  just  as  plain  that  the  State 
can't  lose  by  taking  State  Bank  paper,  however  low 
it  may  be,  while  she  owes  the  bank  more  than  the 
whole  revenue,  and  can  pay  that  paper  over  on  her 


286  The  Writings  of 

debt,  dollar  for  dollar; — still  there  is  danger  of  loss 
to  the  'officers  of  State';  and  you  know,  Jeff,  we 
can't  get  along  without  officers  of  State." 

"Damn  officers  of  State!"  says  he;  "that's  what 
Whigs  are  always  hurrahing  for." 

"Now,  don't  swear  so,  Jeff,"  says  I,  "you  know 
I  belong  to  the  meetin',  and  swearin'  hurts  my 
feelings." 

"Beg  pardon,  Aunt  'Becca,"  says  he;  "but  I  do 
say  it 's  enough  to  make  Dr.  Goddard  swear,  to  have 
tax  to  pay  in  silver,  for  nothing  only  that  Ford 
may  get  his  two  thousand  a  year,  and  Shields  his 
twenty-four  hundred  a  year,  and  Carpenter  his  six- 
teen hundred  a  year,  and  all  without  '  danger  of  loss ' 
by  taking  it  in  State  paper.  Yes,  yes:  it's  plain 
enough  now  what  these  officers  of  State  mean  by 
' danger  of  loss.'  Wash,  I  s'pose, actually  lost  fifteen 
hundred  dollars  out  of  the  three  thousand  that  two 
of  these  'officers  of  State'  let  him  steal  from  the 
treasury,  by  being  compelled  to  take  it  in  State 
paper.  Wonder  if  we  don't  have  a  proclamation  be- 
fore long,  commanding  us  to  make  up  this  loss  to 
Wash  in  silver." 

And  so  he  went  on  till  his  breath  run  out,  and  he 
had  to  stop.  I  couldn't  think  of  anything  to  say 
just  then,  and  so  I  begun  to  look  over  the  paper 
again.  "Ay!  here's  another  proclamation,  or  some- 
thing like  it." 

"Another?"  says  Jeff;  "and  whose  egg  is  it, 
pray?" 

I  looked  to  the  bottom  of  it,  and  read  aloud, 
"Your  obedient  servant,  James  Shields,  Auditor." 


Abraham  Lincoln  287 

"Aha!"  says  Jeff,  "one  of  them  same  three  fel- 
lows again.  Well,  read  it,  and  let's  hear  what  of 
it." 

I  read  on  till  I  came  to  where  it  says,  "The  object 
of  this  measure  is  to  suspend  the  collection  of  the 
revenue  for  the  current  year." 

"Now  stop,  now  stop!"  says  he;  "that's  a  lie 
a'ready,  and  I  don't  want  to  hear  of  it." 

"Oh,  maybe  not,"  says  I. 

"I  say  it — is — a— lie.  Suspend  the  collection, 
indeed!  Will  the  collectors,  that  have  taken  their 
oaths  to  make  the  collection,  dare  to  suspend  it? 
Is  there  anything  in  law  requiring  them  to  perjure 
themselves  at  the  bidding  of  James  Shields  ? 

"Will  the  greedy  gullet  of  the  penitentiary  be  sat- 
isfied with  swallowing  him  instead  of  all  of  them,  if 
they  should  venture  to  obey  him?  And  would  he 
not  discover  some  'danger  of  loss,'  and  be  off  about 
the  time  it  came  to  taking  their  places  ? 

"And  suppose  the  people  attempt  to  suspend, 
by  refusing  to  pay;  what  then?  The  collectors 
would  just  jerk  up  their  horses  and  cows,  and 
the  like,  and  sell  them  to  the  highest  bidder  for 
silver  in  hand,  without  valuation  or  redemption. 
Why,  Shields  didn't  believe  that  story  himself;  it 
was  never  meant  for  the  truth.  If  it  was  true,  why 
was  it  not  writ  till  five  days  after  the  proclamation? 
Why  did  n't  Carlin  and  Carpenter  sign  it  as  well  as 
Shields?  Answer  me  that,  Aunt  'Becca.  I  say  it's 
a  lie,  and  not  a  well  told  one  at  that.  It  grins  out 
like  a  copper  dollar.  Shields  is  a  fool  as  well  as  a 
liar.  With  him  truth  is  out  of  the  question;  and 


288  The  Writings  of 

as  for  getting  a  good,  bright,  passable  lie  out  of 
him,  you  might  as  well  try  to  strike  fire  from  a  cake 
of  tallow.  I  stick  to  it,  it's  all  an  infernal  Whig 
lie!" 

1 '  A  Whig  lie !     Highty  tighty ! " 

"Yes,  a  Whig  lie;  and  it 's  just  like  everything 
the  cursed  British  Whigs  do.  First  they  '11  do  some 
divilment,  and  then  they  '11  tell  a  lie  to  hide  it. 
And  they  don't  care  how  plain  a  lie  it  is;  they 
think  they  can  cram  any  sort  of  a  one  down  the 
throats  of  the  ignorant  Locofocos,  as  they  call  the 
Democrats." 

"Why,  Jeff,  you  're  crazy:  you  don't  mean  to  say 
Shields  is  a  Whig!" 

"Yes,  I  do." 

"Why,  look  here!  the  proclamation  is  in  your 
own  Democratic  paper,  as  you  call  it." 

"I  know  it;  and  what  of  that?  They  only  printed 
it  to  let  us  Democrats  see  the  deviltry  the  Whigs 
are  at." 

"Well,  but  Shields  is  the  auditor  of  this  Loco — 
I  mean  this  Democratic  State." 

"So  he  is,  and  Tyler  appointed  him  to  office." 

"Tyler  appointed  him?" 

"Yes  (if  you  must  chaw  it  over),  Tyler  appointed 
him;  or,  if  it  was  n't  him,  it  was  old  Granny  Harri- 
son, and  that's  all  one.  I  tell  you,  Aunt  'Becca, 
there  's  no  mistake  about  his  being  a  Whig.  Why, 
his  very  looks  shows  it ;  everything  about  him  shows 
it :  if  I  was  deaf  and  blind,  I  could  tell  him  by  the 
smell.  I  seed  him  when  I  was  down  in  Springfield 
last  winter.  They  had  a  sort  of  a  gatherin'  there  one 


Abraham  Lincoln  289 

night  among  the  grandees,  they  called  a  fair.  All 
the  gals  about  town  was  there,  and  all  the  handsome 
widows  and  married  women,  finickin'  about  trying 
to  look  like  gals,  tied  as  tight  in  the  middle,  and 
puffed  out  at  both  ends,  like  bundles  of  fodder  that 
had  n't  been  stacked  yet,  but  wanted  stackin'  pretty 
bad.  And  then  they  had  tables  all  around  the 
house  kivered  over  with  [  ]  caps  and  pincush- 

ions and  ten  thousand  such  Httle  knick-knacks,  tryin' 
to  sell  'em  to  the  fellows  that  were  bowin',  and 
scrapin'  and  kungeerin'  about  'em.  They  would  n't 
let  no  Democrats  in,  for  fear  they'd  disgust  the 
ladies,  or  scare  the  little  gals,  or  dirty  the  floor.  I 
looked  in  at  the  window,  and  there  was  this  same 
fellow  Shields  floatin'  about  on  the  air,  without  heft 
or  earthly  substances,  just  like  a  lock  of  cat  fur 
where  cats  had  been  fighting. 

"He  was  paying  his  money  to  this  one,  and  that 
one,  and  t'  other  one,  and  sufferin'  great  loss  because 
it  wasn't  silver  instead  of  State  paper;  and  the 
sweet  distress  he  seemed  to  be  in, — his  very  feat- 
ures, in  the  ecstatic  agony  of  his  soul,  spoke  audibly 
and  distinctly,  'Dear  girls,  it  is  distressing,  but  I 
cannot  marry  you  all.  Too  well  I  know  how  much 
you  suffer;  but  do,  do  remember,  it  is  not  my  fault 
that  I  am  so  handsome  and  so  interesting.' 

"As  this  last  was  expressed  by  a  most  exquisite 
contortion  of  his  face,  he  seized  hold  of  one  of  their 
hands,  and  squeezed,  and  held  on  to  it  about  a  quar- 
ter of  an  hour.  'Oh,  my  good  fellow!'  says  I  to 
myself,  'if  that  was  one  of  our  Democratic  gals  in 
the  Lost  Townships,  the  way  you'd  get  a  brass  pin 


VOL.    I. — 19. 


290  The  Writings  of 

let  into  you  would  be  about  up  to  the  head.'  He 
a  Democrat!  Fiddlesticks!  I  tell  you,  Aunt  'Becca, 
he  's  a  Whig,  and  no  mistake;  nobody  but  a  Whig 
could  make  such  a  conceity  dunce  of  himself." 

"Well,"  says  I,  "maybe  he  is;  but,  if  he  is,  I  'm 
mistaken  the  worst  sort.  Maybe  so,  maybe  so; 
but,  if  I  am,  I  11  suffer  by  it ;  1 11  be  a  Democrat  if 
it  turns  out  that  Shields  is  a  Whig,  considerin'  you 
shall  be  a  Whig  if  he  turns  out  a  Democrat." 

"A  bargain,  by  jingoes!"  says  he;  "but  how 
will  we  find  out?" 

"Why,"  says  I,  "well  just  write  and  ax  the 
printer." 

"Agreed  again!"  says  he;  "and  by  thunder!  if 
it  does  turn  out  that  Shields  is  a  Democrat,  I  never 
will" 

' '  Jefferson !     Jefferson ! ' ' 

"What  do  you  want,  Peggy?" 

"Do  get  through  your  everlasting  clatter  some 
time,  and  bring  me  a  gourd  of  water;  the  child  's 
been  crying  for  a  drink  this  livelong  hour." 

"Let  it  die,  then;  it  may  as  well  die  for  water  as 
to  be  taxed  to  death  to  fatten  officers  of  State." 

Jeff  run  off  to  get  the  water,  though,  just  like  he 
had  n't  been  saying  anything  spiteful,  for  he 's  a 
raal  good-hearted  fellow,  after  all,  once  you  get  at 
the  foundation  of  him. 

I  walked  into  the  house,  and,  "Why,  Peggy,"  says 
I,  "I  declare  we  like  to  forgot  you  altogether." 

"Oh,  yes,"  says  she,  "when  a  body  can't  help 
themselves,  everybody  soon  forgets  'em;  but,  thank 
God!  by  day  after  to-morrow  I  shall  be  well  enough 


Abraham  Lincoln  291 

to  milk  the  cows,  and  pen  the  calves,  and  wring  the 
contrary  ones'  tails  for  'em,  and  no  thanks  to 
nobody." 

"Good  evening,  Peggy,"  says  I,  and  so  I  sloped, 
for  I  seed  she  was  mad  at  me  for  making  Jeff  neg- 
lect her  so  long. 

And  now,  Mr.  Printer,  will  you  be  sure  to  let  us 
know  in  your  next  paper  whether  this  Shields  is  a 
Whig  or  a  Democrat  ?  I  don't  care  about  it  for  my- 
self, for  I  know  well  enough  how  it  is  already;  but 
I  want  to  convince  Jeff.  It  may  do  some  good  to  let 
him,  and  others  like  him,  know  who  and  what  these 
officers  of  State  are.  It  may  help  to  send  the  pres- 
ent hypocritical  set  to  where  they  belong,  and  to  fill 
the  places  they  now  disgrace  with  men  who  will  do 
more  work  for  less  pay,  and  take  fewer  airs  while 
they  are  doing  it.  It  ain't  sensible  to  think  that  the 
same  men  who  get  us  in  trouble  will  change  their 
course;  and  yet  it  's  pretty  plain  if  some  change 
for  the  better  is  not  made,  it 's  not  long  that  either 
Peggy  or  I  or  any  of  us  will  have  a  cow  left  to  milk, 
or  a  calf's  tail  to  wring. 

Yours  truly, 

REBECCA . 


INVITATION   TO   HENRY   CLAY. 

SPRINGFIELD,  ILL.,  Aug  29,  1842. 

HON.  HENRY  CLAY,  Lexington,  Ky. 

DEAR  SIR: — We  hear  you  are  to  visit  Indianap- 
olis, Indiana,  on  the  5th  of  October  next.     If  our 


292  The  Writings  of 

information  in  this  is  correct  we  hope  you  will  not 
deny  us  the  pleasure  of  seeing  you  in  our  State.  We 
are  aware  of  the  toil  necessarily  incident  to  a  journey 
by  one  circumstanced  as  you  are ;  but  once  you  have 
embarked,  as  you  have  already  determined  to  do, 
the  toil  would  not  be  greatly  augmented  by  extend- 
ing the  journey  to  our  capital.  The  season  of  the 
year  will  be  most  favorable  for  good  roads,  and 
pleasant  weather;  and  although  we  cannot  but 
believe  you  would  be  highly  gratified  with  such  a 
visit  to  the  prairie-land,  the  pleasure  it  would  give 
us  and  thousands  such  as  we  is  beyond  all  question. 
You  have  never  visited  Illinois,  or  at  least  this 
portion  of  it;  and  should  you  now  yield  to  our 
request,  we  promise  you  such  a  reception  as  shall 
be  worthy  of  the  man  on  whom  are  now  turned  the 
fondest  hopes  of  a  great  and  suffering  nation. 

Please    inform    us    at    the    earliest    convenience 
whether  we  may  expect  you. 

Very  respectfully  your  obedient  servants, 
A.  G.  HENRY,  A.  T.  BLEDSOE, 

C.  BIRCHALL,  A.  LINCOLN, 

G.  M.  CABANNISS,     ROB'T  IRWIN, 
P.  A.  SAUNDERS,       J.  M.  ALLEN, 

F.  N.  FRANCIS. 
Executive  Committee  "Clay  Club." 

(Clay's  answer,  September  6,  1842,  declines  with 
thanks.) 


Abraham  Lincoln  293 

CORRESPONDENCE  ABOUT  THE  LINCOLN-SHIELDS  DUEL. 

TREMONT,  September  17,  1842. 

A.  LINCOLN,  ESQ.: — I  regret  that  my  absence  on 
public  business  compelled  me  to  postpone  a  matter  of 
private  consideration  a  little  longer  than  I  could  have 
desired.  It  will  only  be  necessary,  however,  to  ac- 
count for  it  by  informing  you  that  I  have  been  to 
Quincy  on  business  that  would  not  admit  of  delay. 
I  will  now  state  briefly  the  reasons  of  my  troubling 
you  with  this  communication,  the  disagreeable  na- 
ture of  which  I  regret,  as  I  had  hoped  to  avoid 
any  difficulty  with  any  one  in  Springfield  while 
residing  there,  by  endeavoring  to  conduct  myself  in 
such  a  way  amongst  both  my  political  friends  and 
opponents  as  to  escape  the  necessity  of  any.  Whilst 
thus  abstaining  from  giving  provocation,  I  have 
become  the  object  of  slander,  vituperation,  and 
personal  abuse,  which  were  I  capable  of  submitting 
to,  I  would  prove  myself  worthy  of  the  whole  of  it. 

In  two  or  three  of  the  last  numbers  of  the  Sanga- 
mon  Journal,  articles  of  the  most  personal  nature 
and  calculated  to  degrade  me  have  made  their  ap- 
pearance. On  inquiring,  I  was  informed  by  the 
editor  of  that  paper,  through  the  medium  of  my 
friend  General  Whitesides,  that  you  are  the  author 
of  those  articles.  This  information  satisfies  me  that 
I  have  become  by  some  means  or  other  the  object  of 
your  secret  hostility.  I  will  not  take  the  trouble  of 
inquiring  into  the  reason  of  all  this ;  but  I  will  take 
the  liberty  of  requiring  a  full,  positive,  and  absolute 
retraction  of  all  offensive  allusions  used  by  you  in 


294  The  Writings  of 

these  communications,  in  relation  to  my  private 
character  and  standing  as  a  man,  as  an  apology  for 
the  insults  conveyed  in  them. 

This  may  prevent  consequences  which  no  one  will 
regret  more  than  myself. 

Your  obedient  servant, 

JAS.  SHIELDS. 
To  J.  Shields. 

TREMONT,  September  17,  1842. 

JAS.  SHIELDS,  ESQ.: — Your  note  of  to-day  was 
handed  me  by  General  Whitesides.  In  that  note 
you  say  you  have  been  informed,  through  the 
medium  of  the  editor  of  the  Journal,  that  I  am  the 
author  of  certain  articles  in  that  paper  which  you 
deem  personally  abusive  of  you;  and  without  stop- 
ping to  inquire  whether  I  really  am  the  author,  or  to 
point  out  what  is  offensive  in  them,  you  demand  an 
unqualified  retraction  of  all  that  is  offensive,  and 
then  proceed  to  hint  at  consequences. 

Now,  sir,  there  is  in  this  so  much  assumption  of 
facts  and  so  much  of  menace  as  to  consequences,  that 
I  cannot  submit  to  answer  that  note  any  further 
than  I  have,  and  to  add  that  the  consequences  to 
which  I  suppose  you  allude  would  be  matter  of  as 
great  regret  to  me  as  it  possibly  could  to  you. 

Respectfully, 

A.  LINCOLN. 
To  A.  Lincoln. 

TREMONT,  September  17,  1842. 

A.  LINCOLN,  ESQ.  : — In  reply  to  my  note  of  this 
date,  you  intimate  that  I  assume  facts  and  menace 


Abraham  Lincoln  295 

consequences,  and  that  you  cannot  submit  to  an- 
swer it  further.  As  now,  sir,  you  desire  it,  I  will  be  a 
little  more  particular.  The  editor  of  the  Sangamon 
Journal  gave  me  to  understand  that  you  are  the 
author  of  an  article  which  appeared,  I  think,  in  that 
paper  of  the  2d  September  instant,  headed  "The 
Lost  Townships,"  and  signed  Rebecca  or  'Becca.  I 
would  therefore  take  the  liberty  of  asking  whether 
you  are  the  author  of  said  article,  or  any  other  over 
the  same  signature  which  has  appeared  in  any  of  the 
late  numbers  of  that  paper.  If  so,  I  repeat  my 
request  of  an  absolute  retraction  of  all  offensive 
allusions  contained  therein  in  relation  to  my  private 
character  and  standing.  If  you  are  not  the  author 
of  any  of  these  articles,  your  denial  will  be  sufficient. 
I  will  say  further,  it  is  not  my  intention  to  menace, 
but  to  do  myself  justice. 

Your  obedient  servant, 

JAS.  SHIELDS. 

Memorandum  of   Instructions  to  E.   H.  Merryman, 
Lincoln's  Second,  September  ip,  1842. 

In  case  Whitesides  shall  signify  a  wish  to  adjust 
this  affair  without  further  difficulty,  let  him  know 
that  if  the  present  papers  be  withdrawn,  and  a  note 
from  Mr.  Shields  asking  to  know  if  I  am  the  author 
of  the  articles  of  which  he  complains,  and  asking 
that  I  shall  make  him  gentlemanly  satisfaction  if  I 
am  the  author,  and  this  without  menace,  or  dictation 
as  to  what  that  satisfaction  shall  be,  a  pledge  is 
made  that  the  following  answer  shall  be  given : 

"I  did  write  the  'Lost  Townships'  letter  which 


296  The  Writings  of 

appeared  in  the  Journal  of  the  26.  instant,  but  had  no 
participation  in  any  form  in  any  other  article  allud- 
ing to  you.  I  wrote  that  wholly  for  political  effect — 
I  had  no  intention  of  injuring  your  personal  or  private 
character  or  standing  as  a  man  or  a  gentleman ;  and 
I  did  not  then  think,  and  do  not  now  think,  that  that 
article  could  produce  or  has  produced  that  effect 
against  you;  and  had  I  anticipated  such  an  effect  I 
would  have  forborne  to  write  it.  And  I  will  add 
that  your  conduct  toward  me,  so  far  as  I  know,  had 
always  been  gentlemanly ;  and  that  I  had  no  personal 
pique  against  you,  and  no  cause  for  any." 

If  this  should  be  done,  I  leave  it  with  you  to 
arrange  what  shall  and  what  shall  not  be  published. 
If  nothing  like  this  is  done,  the  preliminaries  of  the 
fight  are  to  be — 

First.  Weapons:  Cavalry  broadswords  of  the 
largest  size,  precisely  equal  in  all  respects,  and  such 
as  now  used  by  the  cavalry  company  at  Jacksonville. 

Second.  Position:  A  plank  ten  feet  long,  and 
from  nine  to  twelve  inches  broad,  to  be  firmly  fixed 
on  edge,  on  the  ground,  as  the  line  between  us,  which 
neither  is  to  pass  his  foot  over  upon  forfeit  of  his  life. 
Next  a  line  drawn  on  the  ground  on  either  side  of 
said  plank  and  parallel  with  it,  each  at  the  distance 
of  the  whole  length  of  the  sword  and  three  feet 
additional  from  the  plank;  and  the  passing  of  his 
own  such  line  by  either  party  during  the  fight  shall 
be  deemed  a  surrender  of  the  contest. 

Third.  Time:  On  Thursday  evening  at  five  o'clock, 
if  you  can  get  it  so ;  but  in  no  case  to  be  at  a  greater 
distance  of  time  than  Friday  evening  at  five  o'clock. 


Abraham  Lincoln  297 

Fourth.  Place :  Within  three  miles  of  Alton,  on  the 
opposite  side  of  the  river,  the  particular  spot  to  be 
agreed  on  by  you. 

Any  preliminary  details  coming  within  the  above 
rules  you  are  at  liberty  to  make  at  your  discretion; 
but  you  are  in  no  case  to  swerve  from  these  rules,  or 
to  pass  beyond  their  limits. 


TO    JOSHUA    F.    SPEED. 

SPRINGFIELD,  October  [4?],  1842. 

DEAR  SPEED: — You  have  heard  of  my  duel  with 
Shields,  and  I  have  now  to  inform  you  that  the 
duelling  business  still  rages  in  this  city.  Day  before 
yesterday  Shields  challenged  Butler,  who  accepted, 
and  proposed  fighting  next  morning  at  sunrise  in 
Bob  Allen's  meadow,  one  hundred  yards'  distance, 
with  rifles.  To  this  Whitesides,  Shields's  second, 
said  "No,"  because  of  the  law.  Thus  ended  duel 
No.  2.  Yesterday  Whitesides  chose  to  consider 
himself  insulted  by  Dr.  Merryman,  so  sent  him  a 
kind  of  quasi-challenge,  inviting  him  to  meet  him  at 
the  Planter's  House  in  St.  Louis  on  the  next  Friday, 
to  settle  their  difficulty.  Merryman  made  me  his 
friend,  and  sent  Whitesides  a  note,  inquiring  to 
know  if  he  meant  his  note  as  a  challenge,  and  if  so, 
that  he  would,  according  to  the  law  in  such  case 
made  and  provided,  prescribe  the  terms  of  the 
meeting.  Whitesides  returned  for  answer  that  if 
Merryman  would  meet  him  at  the  Planter's  House 
as  desired,  he  would  challenge  him.  Merryman 


298  The  Writings  of 

replied  in  a  note  that  he  denied  Whitesides's  right 
to  dictate  time  and  place,  but  that  he  (Merryman) 
would  waive  the  question  of  time,  and  meet  him  at 
Louisiana,  Missouri.  Upon  my  presenting  this  note 
to  Whitesides  and  stating  verbally  its  contents,  he 
declined  receiving  it,  saying  he  had  business  in  St. 
Louis,  and  it  was  as  near  as  Louisiana.  Merryman 
then  directed  me  to  notify  Whitesides  that  he  should 
publish  the  correspondence  between  them,  with  such 
comments  as  he  thought  fit.  This  I  did.  Thus  it 
stood  at  bedtime  last  night.  This  morning  White- 
sides,  by  his  friend  Shields,  is  praying  for  a  new  trial, 
on  the  ground  that  he  was  mistaken  in  Merry  man's 
proposition  to  meet  him  at  Louisiana,  Missouri, 
thinking  it  was  the  State  of  Louisiana.  This  Merry- 
man hoots  at,  and  is  preparing  his  publication; 
while  the  town  is  in  a  ferment,  and  a  street  fight 
somewhat  anticipated. 

But  I  began  this  letter  not  for  what  I  have  been 
writing,  but  to  say  something  on  that  subject  which 
you  know  to  be  of  such  infinite  solicitude  to  me. 
The  immense  sufferings  you  endured  from  the  first 
days  of  September  till  the  middle  of  February  you 
never  tried  to  conceal  from  me,  and  I  well  understood. 
You  have  now  been  the  husband  of  a  lovely  woman 
nearly  eight  months.  That  you  are  happier  now 
than  the  day  you  married  her  I  well  know,  for  with- 
out you  could  not  be  living.  But  I  have  your  word 
for  it,  too,  and  the  returning  elasticity  of  spirits 
which  is  manifested  in  your  letters.  But  I  want  to 
ask  a  close  question,  "Are  you  now  in  feeling  as  well 
as  judgment  glad  that  you  are  married  as  you  are?" 


Abraham  Lincoln  299 

From  anybody  but  me  this  would  be  an  impudent 
question,  not  to  be  tolerated;  but  I  know  you  will 
pardon  it  in  me.  Please  answer  it  quickly,  as  I  am 
impatient  to  know.  I  have  sent  my  love  to  your 
Fanny  so  often,  I  fear  she  is  getting  tired  of  it. 
However,  I  venture  to  tender  it  again. 

Yours  forever, 

LINCOLN. 


RESOLUTIONS   AT  A   WHIG  MEETING  AT  SPRINGFIELD, 
ILLINOIS,   MARCH  I,  1843. 

The  object  of  the  meeting  was  stated  by  Mr. 
Lincoln  of  Springfield,  who  offered  the  following  reso- 
lutions, which  were  unanimously  adopted: 

Resolved,  That  a  tariff  of  duties  on  imported  goods, 
producing  sufficient  revenue  for  the  payment  of  the 
necessary  expenditures  of  the  National  Government, 
and  so  adjusted  as  to  protect  American  industry, 
is  indispensably  necessary  to  the  prosperity  of  the 
American  people. 

Resolved,  That  we  are  opposed  to  direct  taxation 
for  the  support  of  the  National  Government. 

Resolved,  That  a  national  bank,  properly  restricted, 
is  highly  necessary  and  proper  to  the  establishment 
and  maintenance  of  a  sound  currency,  and  for  the 
cheap  and  safe  collection,  keeping,  and  disbursing  of 
the  public  revenue. 

Resolved,  That  the  distribution  of  the  proceeds  of 
the  sales  of  the  public  lands,  upon  the  principles 
of  Mr.  Clay's  bill,  accords  with  the  best  interests  of 


300  The  Writings  of 

the  nation,  and  particularly  with  those  of  the  State  of 
Illinois. 

Resolved,  That  we  recommend  to  the  Whigs  of  each 
Congressional  district  of  the  State  to  nominate  and 
support  at  the  approaching  election  a  candidate  of 
their  own  principles,  regardless  of  the  chances  of 
success. 

Resolved,  That  we  recommend  to  the  Whigs  of  all 
portions  of  the  State  to  adopt  and  rigidly  adhere  to 
the  convention  system  of  nominating  candidates. 

Resolved,  That  we  recommend  to  the  Whigs  of 
each  Congressional  district  to  hold  a  district  conven- 
tion on  or  before  the  first  Monday  of  May  next,  to  be 
composed  of  a  number  of  delegates  from  each  county 
equal  to  double  the  number  of  its  representatives 
in  the  General  Assembly,  provided,  each  county  shall 
have  at  least  one  delegate.  Said  delegates  to  be 
chosen  by  primary  meetings  of  the  Whigs,  at  such 
times  and  places  as  they  in  their  respective  counties 
may  see  fit.  Said  district  conventions  each  to 
nominate  one  candidate  for  Congress,  and  one  dele- 
gate to  a  national  convention  for  the  purpose  of 
nominating  candidates  for  President  and  Vice-Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States.  The  seven  delegates  so 
nominated  to  a  national  convention  to  have  power  to 
add  two  delegates  to  their  own  number,  and  to  fill  all 
vacancies. 

Resolved,  That  A.  T.  Bledsoe,  S.  T.  Logan,  and  A. 
Lincoln  be  appointed  a  committee  to  prepare  an 
address  to  the  people  of  the  State. 

Resolved,  That  N.  W.  Edwards,  A.  G.  Henry, 
James  H.  Matheny,  John  C.  Doremus,  and  James  C. 


Abraham  Lincoln  301 

Conkling  be  appointed  a  Whig  Central  State  Com- 
mittee, with  authority  to  fill  any  vacancy  that  may 
occur  in  the  committee. 


CIRCULAR   FROM    WHIG    COMMITTEE. 

Address  to  the  People  of  Illinois. 

FELLOW-CITIZENS  : — By  a  resolution  of  a  meeting 
of  such  of  the  Whigs  of  the  State  as  are  now  at 
Springfield,  we,  the  undersigned,  were  appointed  to 
prepare  an  address  to  you.  The  performance  of 
that  task  we  now  undertake. 

Several  resolutions  were  adopted  by  the  meeting; 
and  the  chief  object  of  this  address  is  to  show  briefly 
the  reasons  for  their  adoption. 

The  first  of  those  resolutions  declares  a  tariff  of 
duties  upon  foreign  importations,  producing  sufficient 
revenue  for  the  support  of  the  General  Government, 
and  so  adjusted  as  to  protect  American  industry,  to 
be  indispensably  necessary  to  the  prosperity  of  the 
American  people;  and  the  second  declares  direct 
taxation  for  a  national  revenue  to  be  improper. 
Those  two  resolutions  are  kindred  in  their  nature, 
and  therefore  proper  and  convenient  to  be  considered 
together.  The  question  of  protection  is  a  subject 
entirely  too  broad  to  be  crowded  into  a  few  pages 
only,  together  with  several  other  subjects.  On  that 
point  we  therefore  content  ourselves  with  giving  the 
following  extracts  from  the  writings  of  Mr.  Jefferson, 
General  Jackson,  and  the  speech  of  Mr.  Calhoun : 

"To  be  independent  for  the  comforts  of  life,  we 
must  fabricate  them  ourselves.  We  must  now  place 


302  The  Writings  of 

the  manufacturer  by  the  side  of  the  agriculturalist. 
The  grand  inquiry  now  is,  Shall  we  make  our  own 
comforts,  or  go  without  them  at  the  will  of  a  foreign 
nation  ?  He,  therefore,  who  is  now  against  domestic 
manufactures  must  be  for  reducing  us  either  to 
dependence  on  that  foreign  nation,  or  to  be  clothed 
in  skins  and  to  live  like  wild  beasts .  in  dens  and 
caverns.  I  am  not  one  of  those;  experience  has 
taught  me  that  manufactures  are  now  as  necessary 
to  our  independence  as  to  our  comfort." — Letter  of 
Mr.  Jefferson  to  Benjamin  Austin. 

"  I  ask,  What  is  the  real  situation  of  the  agricultu- 
ralist? Where  has  the  American  farmer  a  market 
for  his  surplus  produce  ?  Except  for  cotton,  he  has 
neither  a  foreign  nor  a  home  market.  Does  not  this 
clearly  prove,  when  there  is  no  market  at  home  or 
abroad,  that  there  [is]  too  much  labor  employed  in 
agriculture?  Common  sense  at  once  points  out  the 
remedy.  Take  from  agriculture  six  hundred  thou- 
sand men,  women,  and  children,  and  you  will  at  once 
give  a  market  for  more  breadstuffs  than  all  Europe 
now  furnishes.  In  short,  we  have  been  too  long 
subject  to  the  policy  of  British  merchants.  It  is 
time  we  should  become  a  little  more  Americanized, 
and  instead  of  feeding  the  paupers  and  laborers  of 
England,  feed  our  own;  or  else  in  a  short  time,  by 
continuing  our  present  policy,  we  shall  all  be  rendered 
paupers  ourselves." — General  Jackson's  Letter  to  Dr. 
Coleman. 

"When  our  manufactures  are  grown  to  a  certain 
perfection,  as  they  soon  will  be,  under  the  fostering 
care  of  government,  the  farmer  will  find  a  ready 


Abraham  Lincoln  3°3 

market  for  his  surplus  produce,  and — what  is  of 
equal  consequence — a  certain  and  cheap  supply  of  all 
he  wants;  his  prosperity  will  diffuse  itself  to  every 
class  of  the  community." — Speech  of  Hon.  J.  C. 
Calhoun  on  the  Tariff. 

The  question  of  revenue  we  will  now  briefly  con- 
sider. For  several  years  past  the  revenues  of  the 
government  have  been  unequal  to  its  expenditures, 
and  consequently  loan  after  loan,  sometimes  direct 
and  sometimes  indirect  in  form,  has  been  resorted  to. 
By  this  means  a  new  national  debt  has  been  created, 
and  is  still  growing  on  us  with  a  rapidity  fearful 
to  contemplate — a  rapidity  only  reasonably  to  be 
expected  in  time  of  war.  This  state  of  things  has 
been  produced  by  a  prevailing  unwillingness  either 
to  increase  the  tariff  or  resort  to  direct  taxation. 
But  the  one  or  the  other  must  come.  Coming 
expenditures  must  be  met,  and  the  present  debt 
must  be  paid ;  and  money  cannot  always  be  borrowed 
for  these  objects.  The  system  of  loans  is  but  tem- 
porary in  its  nature,  and  must  soon  explode.  It  is  a 
system  not  only  ruinous  while  it  lasts,  but  one  that 
must  soon  fail  and  leave  us  destitute.  As  an  in- 
dividual who  undertakes  to  live  by  borrowing  soon 
finds  his  original  means  devoured  by  interest,  and, 
next,  no  one  left  to  borrow  from,  so  must  it  be  with  a 
government. 

We  repeat,  then,  that  a  tariff  sufficient  for  revenue, 
or  a  direct  tax,  must  soon  be  resorted  to ;  and,  indeed, 
we  believe  this  alternative  is  now  denied  by  no  one. 
But  which  system  shall  be  adopted?  Some  of  our 


304  The  Writings  of 

opponents,  in  theory,  admit  the  propriety  of  a  tariff 
sufficient  for  a  revenue,  but  even  they  will  not  in 
practice  vote  for  such  a  tariff;  while  others  boldly 
advocate  direct  taxation.  Inasmuch,  therefore,  as 
some  of  them  boldly  advocate  direct  taxation,  and 
all  the  rest — or  so  nearly  all  as  to  make  exceptions 
needless — refuse  to  adopt  the  tariff,  we  think  it  is 
doing  them  no  injustice  to  class  them  all  as  advo- 
cates of  direct  taxation.  Indeed,  we  believe  they 
are  only  delaying  an  open  avowal  of  the  system  till 
they  can  assure  themselves  that  the  people  will 
tolerate  it.  Let  us,  then,  briefly  compare  the  two 
systems.  The  tariff  is  the  cheaper  system,  because 
the  duties,  being  collected  in  large  parcels  at  a  few 
commercial  points,  will  require  comparatively  few 
officers  in  their  collection;  while  by  the  direct-tax 
system  the  land  must  be  literally  covered  with 
assessors  and  collectors,  going  forth  like  swarms  of 
Egyptian  locusts,  devouring  every  blade  of  grass  and 
other  green  thing.  And,  again,  by  the  tariff  system 
the  whole  revenue  is  paid  by  the  consumers  of  foreign 
goods,  and  those  chiefly  the  luxuries,  and  not  the 
necessaries,  of  life.  By  this  system  the  man  who 
contents  himself  to  live  upon  the  products  of  his  own 
country  pays  nothing  at  all.  And  surely  that  coun- 
try is  extensive  enough,  and  its  products  abundant 
and  varied  enough,  to  answer  all  the  real  wants  of  its 
people.  In  short,  by  this  system  the  burthen  of 
revenue  falls  almost  entirely  on  the  wealthy  and 
luxurious  few,  while  the  substantial  and  laboring 
many  who  live  at  home,  and  upon  home  products, 
go  entirely  free.  By  the  direct-tax  system  none  can 


Abraham  Lincoln  305 

escape.  However  strictly  the  citizen  may  exclude 
from  his  premises  all  foreign  luxuries, — fine  cloths, 
fine  silks,  rich  wines,  golden  chains,  and  diamond 
rings, — still,  for  the  possession  of  his  house,  his  barn, 
and  his  homespun,  he  is  to  be  perpetually  haunted 
and  harassed  by  the  tax-gatherer.  With  these  views 
we  leave  it  to  be  determined  whether  we  or  our  op- 
ponents are  the  more  truly  democratic  on  the 
subject. 

The  third  resolution  declares  the  necessity  and 
propriety  of  a  national  bank.  During  the  last  fifty 
years  so  much  has  been  said  and  written  both  as  to 
the  constitutionality  and  expediency  of  such  an  in- 
stitution, that  we  could  not  hope  to  improve  in  the 
least  on  former  discussions  of  the  subject,  were  we  to 
undertake  it.  We,  therefore,  upon  the  question  of 
constitutionality  content  ourselves  with  remarking 
the  facts  that  the  first  national  bank  was  established 
chiefly  by  the  same  men  who  formed  the  Constitu- 
tion, at  a  time  when  that  instrument  was  but  two 
years  old,  and  receiving  the  sanction,  as  President,  of 
the  immortal  Washington ;  that  the  second  received 
the  sanction,  as  President,  of  Mr.  Madison,  to  whom 
common  consent  has  awarded  the  proud  title  of 
"Father  of  the  Constitution";  and  subsequently 
the  sanction  of  the  Supreme  Court,  the  most  en- 
lightened judicial  tribunal  in  the  world.  Upon  the 
question  of  expediency,  we  only  ask  you  to  examine 
the  history  of  the  times  during  the  existence  of  the 
two  banks,  and  compare  those  times  with  the  miser- 
able present. 

The  fourth  resolution  declares  the  expediency  of 


VOL.  I. 20. 


3o6  The  Writings  of 

Mr.  Clay's  land  bill.  Much  incomprehensible  jar- 
gon is  often  used  against  the  constitutionality  of  this 
measure.  We  forbear,  in  this  place,  attempting  an 
answer  to  it,  simply  because,  in  our  opinion,  those 
who  urge  it  are  through  party  zeal  resolved  not  to 
see  or  acknowledge  the  truth.  The  question  of  ex- 
pediency, at  least  so  far  as  Illinois  is  concerned, 
seems  to  us  the  clearest  imaginable.  By  the  bill 
we  are  to  receive  annually  a  large  sum  of  money,  no 
part  of  which  we  otherwise  receive.  The  precise 
annual  sum  cannot  be  known  in  advance;  it  doubt- 
less will  vary  in  different  years.  Still  it  is  something 
to  know  that  in  the  last  year — a  year  of  almost  un- 
paralleled pecuniary  pressure — it  amounted  to  more 
than  forty  thousand  dollars.  This  annual  income,  in 
the  midst  of  our  almost  insupportable  difficulties,  in 
the  days  of  our  severest  necessity,  our  political  op- 
ponents are  furiously  resolving  to  take  and  keep  from 
us.  And  for  what?  Many  silly  reasons  are  given, 
as  is  usual  in  cases  where  a  single  good  one  is  not  to 
be  found.  One  is  that  by  giving  us  the  proceeds  of 
the  lands  we  impoverish  the  national  treasury,  and 
thereby  render  necessary  an  increase  of  the  tariff. 
This  may  be  true ;  but  if  so,  the  amount  of  it  only  is 
that  those  whose  pride,  whose  abundance  of  means, 
prompt  them  to  spurn  the  manufactures  of  our 
country,  and  to  strut  in  British  cloaks  and  coats  and 
pantaloons,  may  have  to  pay  a  few  cents  more  on 
the  yard  for  the  cloth  that  makes  them.  A  terrible 
evil,  truly,  to  the  Illinois  farmer,  who  never  wore, 
nor  ever  expects  to  wear,  a  single  yard  of  British 
goods  in  his  whole  life.  Another  of  their  reasons  is 


Abraham  Lincoln  307 

that  by  the  passage  and  continuance  of  Mr.  Clay's 
bill,  we  prevent  the  passage  of  a  bill  which  would 
give  us  more.  This,  if  it  were  sound  in  itself,  is 
waging  destructive  war  with  the  former  position; 
for  if  Mr.  Clay's  bill  impoverishes  the  treasury  too 
much,  what  shall  be  said  of  one  that  impoverishes  it 
still  more?  But  it  is  not  sound  in  itself.  It  is  not 
true  that  Mr.  Clay's  bill  prevents  the  passage  of  one 
more  favorable  to  us  of  the  new  States.  Considering 
the  strength  and  opposite  interest  of  the  old  States, 
the  wonder  is  that  they  ever  permitted  one  to  pass 
so  favorable  as  Mr.  Clay's.  The  last  twenty-odd 
years'  efforts  to  reduce  the  price  of  the  lands,  and  to 
pass  graduation  bills  and  cession  bills,  prove  the 
assertion  to  be  true ;  and  if  there  were  no  experience 
in  support  of  it,  the  reason  itself  is  plain.  The  States 
in  which  none,  or  few,  of  the  public  lands  lie,  and 
those  consequently  interested  against  parting  with 
them  except  for  the  best  price,  are  the  majority; 
and  a  moment's  reflection  will  show  that  they  must 
ever  continue  the  majority,  because  by  the  time  one 
of  the  original  new  States  (Ohio,  for  example)  be- 
comes populous  and  gets  weight  in  Congress,  the 
public  lands  in  her  limits  are  so  nearly  sold  out  that 
in  every  point  material  to  this  question  she  becomes 
an  old  State.  She  does  not  wish  the  price  reduced, 
because  there  is  none  left  for  her  citizens  to  buy; 
she  does  not  wish  them  ceded  to  the  States  in  which 
they  lie,  because  they  no  longer  lie  in  her  limits,  and 
she  will  get  nothing  by  the  cession.  In  the  nature  of 
things,  the  States  interested  in  the  reduction  of 
price,  in  graduation,  in  cession,  and  in  all  similar 


3o8  The  Writings  of 

projects,  never  can  be  the  majority.  Nor  is  there 
reason  to  hope  that  any  of  them  can  ever  succeed  as 
a  Democratic  party  measure,  because  we  have  here- 
tofore seen  that  party  in  full  power,  year  after  year, 
with  many  of  their  leaders  making  loud  professions 
in  favor  of  these  projects,  and  yet  doing  nothing. 
What  reason,  then,  is  there  to  believe  they  will  here- 
after do  better  ?  In  every  light  in  which  we  can  view 
this  question,  it  amounts  simply  to  this:  Shall  we 
accept  our  share  of  the  proceeds  under  Mr.  Clay's  bill, 
or  shall  we  rather  reject  that  and  get  nothing? 

The  fifth  resolution  recommends  that  a  Whig 
candidate  for  Congress  be  run  in  every  district, 
regardless  of  the  chances  of  success.  We  are  aware 
that  it  is  sometimes  a  temporary  gratification,  when 
a  friend  cannot  succeed,  to  be  able  to  choose  between 
opponents ;  but  we  believe  that  that  gratification  is 
the  seed-time  which  never  fails  to  be  followed  by  a 
most  abundant  harvest  of  bitterness.  By  this  policy 
we  entangle  ourselves.  By  voting  for  our  opponents, 
such  of  us  as  do  it  in  some  measure  estop  ourselves 
to  complain  of  their  acts,  however  glaringly  wrong 
we  may  believe  them  to  be.  By  this  policy  no  one 
portion  of  our  friends  can  ever  be  certain  as  to  what 
course  another  portion  may  adopt;  and  by  this 
want  of  mutual  and  perfect  understanding  our 
political  identity  is  partially  frittered  away  and  lost. 
And,  again,  those  who  are  thus  elected  by  our  aid 
ever  become  our  bitterest  persecutors.  Take  a  few 
prominent  examples.  In  1830  Reynolds  was  elected 
Governor;  in  1835  we  exerted  our  whole  strength  to 
elect  Judge  Young  to  the  United  States  Senate,  which 


Abraham  Lincoln  3°9 

effort,  though  failing,  gave  him  the  prominence  that 
subsequently  elected  him;  in  1836  General  Ewing 
was  so  elected  to  the  United  States  Senate ;  and  yet 
let  us  ask  what  three  men  have  been  more  persever- 
ingly  vindictive  in  their  assaults  upon  all  our  men 
and  measures  than  they?  During  the  last  summer 
the  whole  State  was  covered  with  pamphlet  editions 
of  misrepresentations  against  us,  methodized  into 
chapters  and  verses,  written  by  two  of  these  same  men, 
— Reynolds  and  Young, — in  which  they  did  not  stopat 
charging  us  with  error  merely,  but  roundly  denounced 
us  as  the  designing  enemies  of  human  liberty  itself. 
If  it  be  the  will  of  Heaven  that  such  men  shall  po- 
litically live,  be  it  so ;  but  never,  never  again  permit 
them  to  draw  a  particle  of  their  sustenance  from  us. 
The  sixth  resolution  recommends  the  adoption  of 
the  convention  system  for  the  nomination  of  candi- 
dates. This  we  believe  to  be  of  the  very  first  import- 
ance. Whether  the  system  is  right  in  itself  we  do 
not  stop  to  inquire ;  contenting  ourselves  with  trying 
to  show  that,  while  our  opponents  use  it,  it  is  madness 
in  us  not  to  defend  ourselves  with  it.  Experience 
has  shown  that  we  cannot  successfully  defend  our- 
selves without  it.  For  examples,  look  at  the  elec- 
tions of  last  year.  Our  candidate  for  governor,  with 
the  approbation  of  a  large  portion  of  the  party,  took 
the  field  without  a  nomination,  and  in  open  opposi- 
tion to  the  system.  Wherever  in  the  counties  the 
Whigs  had  held  conventions  and  nominated  candi- 
dates for  the  Legislature,  the  aspirants  who  were 
not  nominated  were  induced  to  rebel  against  the 
nominations,  and  to  become  candidates,  as  is  said, 


3io  The  Writings  of 

"on  their  own  hook."  And,  go  where  you  would 
into  a  large  Whig  county,  you  were  sure  to  find  the 
Whigs  not  contending  shoulder  to  shoulder  against 
the  common  enemy,  but  divided  into  factions,  and 
fighting  furiously  with  one  another.  The  election 
came,  and  what  was  the  result?  The  governor 
beaten — the  Whig  vote  being  decreased  many  thou- 
sands since  1840,  although  the  Democratic  vote  had 
not  increased  any.  Beaten  almost  everywhere  for 
members  of  the  Legislature, — Tazewell,  with  her  four 
hundred  Whig  majority,  sending  a  delegation  half 
Democratic ;  Vermillion,  with  her  five  hundred,  doing 
the  same;  Coles,  with  her  four  hundred,  sending  two 
out  of  three ;  and  Morgan,  with  her  two  hundred  and 
fifty,  sending  three  out  of  four, — and  this  to  say  no- 
thing of  the  numerous  other  less  glaring  examples; 
the  whole  winding  up  with  the  aggregate  number  of 
twenty-seven  Democratic  representatives  sent  from 
Whig  counties.  As  to  the  senators,  too,  the  result 
was  of  the  same  character.  And  it  is  most  worthy  to 
be  remembered  that  of  all  the  Whigs  in  the  State  who 
ran  against  the  regular  nominees,  a  single  one  only 
was  elected.  Although  they  succeeded  in  defeating 
the  nominees  almost  by  scores,  they  too  were 
defeated,  and  the  spoils  chucklingly  borne  off  by  the 
common  enemy. 

We  do  not  mention  the  fact  of  many  of  the  Whigs 
opposing  the  convention  system  heretofore  for  the 
purpose  of  censuring  them.  Far  from  it.  We 
expressly  protest  against  such  a  conclusion.  We 
know  they  were  generally,  perhaps  universally,  as 
good  and  true  Whigs  as  we  ourselves  claim  to  be. 


Abraham  Lincoln  311 

We  mention  it  merely  to  draw  attention  to  the 
disastrous  result  it  produced,  as  an  example  forever 
hereafter  to  be  avoided.  That  "union  is  strength" 
is  a  truth  that  has  been  known,  illustrated,  and 
declared  in  various  ways  and  forms  in  all  ages  of  the 
world.  That  great  fabulist  and  philosopher  ^Esop 
illustrated  it  by  his  fable  of  the  bundle  of  sticks; 
and  he  whose  wisdom  surpasses  that  of  all  philoso- 
phers has  declared  that  "a  house  divided  against 
itself  cannot  stand."  It  is  to  induce  our  friends  to 
act  upon  this  important  and  universally  acknow- 
ledged truth  that  we  urge  the  adoption  of  the  con- 
vention system.  Reflection  will  prove  that  there  is 
no  other  way  of  practically  applying  it.  In  its  ap- 
plication we  know  there  will  be  incidents  temporarily 
painful;  but,  after  all,  those  incidents  will  be  fewer 
and  less  intense  with  than  without  the  system.  If 
two  friends  aspire  to  the  same  office  it  is  certain  that 
both  cannot  succeed.  Would  it  not,  then,  be  much 
less  painful  to  have  the  question  decided  by  mutual 
friends  some  time  before,  than  to  snarl  and  quarrel 
until  the  day  of  election,  and  then  both  be  beaten 
by  the  common  enemy  ? 

Before  leaving  this  subject,  we  think  proper  to 
remark  that  we  do  not  understand  the  resolution  as 
intended  to  recommend  the  application  of  the  con- 
vention system  to  the  nomination  of  candidates  for 
the  small  offices  no  way  connected  with  politics; 
though  we  must  say  we  do  not  perceive  that  such  an 
application  of  it  would  be  wrong. 

The  seventh  resolution  recommends  the  holding  of 
district  conventions  in  May  next,  for  the  purpose  of 


312  The  Writings  of 

nominating  candidates  for  Congress.  The  propriety 
of  this  rests  upon  the  same  reasons  with  that  of  the 
sixth,  and  therefore  needs  no  further  discussion. 

The  eighth  and  ninth  also  relate  merely  to  the 
practical  application  of  the  foregoing,  and  therefore 
need  no  discussion. 

Before  closing,  permit  us  to  add  a  few  reflections 
on  the  present  condition  and  future  prospects  of  the 
Whig  party.  In  almost  all  the  States  we  have  fallen 
into  the  minority,  and  despondency  seems  to  prevail 
universally  among  us.  Is  there  just  cause  for  this? 
In  1840  we  carried  the  nation  by  more  than  a  hun- 
dred and  forty  thousand  majority.  Our  opponents 
charged  that  we  did  it  by  fraudulent  voting;  but 
whatever  they  may  have  believed,  we  know  the 
charge  to  be  untrue.  Where,  now,  is  that  mighty 
host?  Have  they  gone  over  to  the  enemy?  Let 
the  results  of  the  late  elections  answer.  Every 
State  which  has  fallen  off  from  the  Whig  cause  since 
1840  has  done  so  not  by  giving  more  Democratic 
votes  than  they  did  then,  but  by  giving  fewer  Whig. 
Bouck,  who  was  elected  Democratic  Governor  of 
New  York  last  fall  by  more  than  15,000  majority, 
had  not  then  as  many  votes  as  he  had  in  1 840,  when 
he  was  beaten  by  seven  or  eight  thousand.  And  so 
has  it  been  in  all  the  other  States  which  have  fallen 
away  from  our  cause.  From  this  it  is  evident  that 
tens  of  thousands  in  the  late  elections  have  not  voted 
at  all.  Who  and  what  are  they?  is  an  important 
question,  as  respects  the  future.  They  can  come 
forward  and  give  us  the  victory  again.  That  all,  or 
nearly  all,  of  them  are  Whigs  is  most  apparent.  Our 


Abraham  Lincoln  3J3 

opponents,  stung  to  madness  by  the  defeat  of  1840, 
have  ever  since  rallied  with  more  than  their  usual 
unanimity.  It  has  not  been  they  that  have  been 
kept  from  the  polls.  These  facts  show  what  the 
result  must  be,  once  the  people  again  rally  in  their 
entire  strength.  Proclaim  these  facts,  and  predict 
this  result ;  and  although  unthinking  opponents  may 
smile  at  us,  the  sagacious  ones  will  "believe  and 
tremble."  And  why  shall  the  Whigs  not  all  rally 
again?  Are  their  principles  less  dear  now  than  in 
1840?  Have  any  of  their  doctrines  since  then  been 
discovered  to  be  untrue?  It  is  true,  the  victory  of 
1 840  did  not  produce  the  happy  results  anticipated ; 
but  it  is  equally  true,  as  we  believe,  that  the  unfortu- 
nate death  of  General  Harrison  was  the  cause  of  the 
failure.  It  was  not  the  election  of  General  Harrison 
that  was  expected  to  produce  happy  effects,  but  the 
measures  to  be  adopted  by  his  administration.  By 
means  of  his  death,  and  the  unexpected  course  of  his 
successor,  those  measures  were  never  adopted.  How 
could  the  fruits  follow  ?  The  consequences  we  always 
predicted  would  follow  the  failure  of  those  measures 
have  followed,  and  are  now  upon  us  in  all  their 
horrors.  By  the  course  of  Mr.  Tyler  the  policy  of 
our  opponents  has  continued  in  operation,  still  leav- 
ing them  with  the  advantage  of  charging  all  its  evils 
upon  us  as  the  results  of  a  Whig  administration. 
Let  none  be  deceived  by  this  somewhat  plausible, 
though  entirely  false  charge.  If  they  ask  us  for  the 
sufficient  and  sound  currency  we  promised,  let  them 
be  answered  that  we  only  promised  it  through  the 
medium  of  a  national  bank,  which  they,  aided  by 


3  H  The  Writings  of 

Mr.  Tyler,  prevented  our  establishing.  And  let  them 
be  reminded,  too,  that  their  own  policy  in  relation  to 
the  currency  has  all  the  time  been,  and  still  is,  in 
full  operation.  Let  us  then  again  come  forth  in  our 
might,  and  by  a  second  victory  accomplish  that 
which  death  prevented  in  the  first.  We  can  do  it. 
When  did  the  Whigs  ever  fail  if  they  were  fully 
aroused  and  united?  Even  in  single  States,  under 
such  circumstances,  defeat  seldom  overtakes  them. 
Call  to  mind  the  contested  elections  within  the  last 
few  years,  and  particularly  those  of  Moore  and 
Letcher  from  Kentucky,  Newland  and  Graham  from 
North  Carolina,  and  the  famous  New  Jersey  case. 
In  all  these  districts  Locofocoism  had  stalked 
omnipotent  before ;  but  when  the  whole  people  were 
aroused  by  its  enormities  on  those  occasions,  they 
put  it  down,  never  to  rise  again. 

We  declare  it  to  be  our  solemn  conviction,  that 
the  Whigs  are  always  a  majority  of  this  nation; 
and  that  to  make  them  always  successful  needs  but 
to  get  them  all  to  the  polls  and  to  vote  unitedly. 
This  is  the  great  desideratum.  Let  us  make  every 
effort  to  attain  it.  At  every  election,  let  every 
Whig  act  as  though  he  knew  the  result  to  depend 
upon  his  action.  In  the  great  contest  of  1840  some 
more  than  twenty  one  hundred  thousand  votes  were 
cast,  and  so  surely  as  there  shall  be  that  many,  with 
the  ordinary  increase  added,  cast  in  1 844  that  surely 
will  a  Whig  be  elected  President  of  the  United  States. 

A.  LINCOLN. 

S.  T.  LOGAN. 

March  4,  1843.  A.  T.  BLEDSOE. 


Abraham  Lincoln  315 

TO   JOHN    BENNETT. 

SPRINGFIELD,  March  7,  1843. 

FRIEND  BENNETT: 

Your  letter  of  this  day  was  handed  me  by  Mr. 
Miles.  It  is  too  late  now  to  effect  the  object  you 
desire.  On  yesterday  morning  the  most  of  the  Whig 
members  from  this  district  got  together  and  agreed 
to  hold  the  convention  at  Tremont  in  Tazewell 
County.  I  am  sorry  to  hear  that  any  of  the  Whigs 
of  your  county,  or  indeed  of  any  county,  should 
longer  be  against  conventions.  On  last  Wednesday 
evening  a  meeting  of  all  the  Whigs  then  here  from 
all  parts  of  the  State  was  held,  and  the  question  of 
the  propriety  of  conventions  was  brought  up  and 
fully  discussed,  and  at  the  end  of  the  discussion 
a  resolution  recommending  the  system  of  conven- 
tions to  all  the  Whigs  of  the  State  was  unanimously 
adopted.  Other  resolutions  were  also  passed,  all  of 
which  will  appear  in  the  next  Journal.  The  meeting 
also  appointed  a  committee  to  draft  an  address  to 
the  people  of  the  State,  which  address  will  also 
appear  in  the  next  Journal. 

In  it  you  will  find  a  brief  argument  in  favor  of 
conventions — and  although  I  wrote  it  myself  I  will 
say  to  you  that  it  is  conclusive  upon  the  point  and 
can  not  be  reasonably  answered.  The  right  way  for 
you  to  do  is  hold  your  meeting  and  appoint  delegates 
any  how,  and  if  there  be  any  who  will  not  take  part, 
let  it  be  so.  The  matter  will  work  so  well  this  time 
that  even  they  who  now  oppose  will  come  in  next 
time. 


316  The  Writings  of 

The  convention  is  to  be  held  at  Tremont  on  the 
5th  of  April  and  according  to  the  rule  we  have 
adopted  your  county  is  to  have  delegates — being 
double  the  number  of  your  representation. 

If  there  be  any  good  Whig  who  is  disposed  to  stick 
out  against  conventions  get  him  at  least  to  read  the 
argument  in  their  favor  in  the  address. 

Yours  as  ever, 
A.  LINCOLN. 

TO   JOSHUA    F.    SPEED. 

SPRINGFIELD,  March  24,  1843. 

DEAR  SPEED  : — We  had  a  meeting  of  the  Whigs  of 
the  county  here  on  last  Monday  to  appoint  delegates 
to  a  district  convention ;  and  Baker  beat  me,  and  got 
the  delegation  instructed  to  go  for  him.  The  meet- 
ing, in  spite  of  my  attempt  to  decline  it,  appointed 
me  one  of  the  delegates;  so  that  in  getting  Baker  the 
nomination  I  shall  be  fixed  a  good  deal  like  a  fellow 
who  is  made  a  groomsman  to  a  man  that  has  cut  him 
out  and  is  marrying  his  own  dear  "gal."  About  the 
prospects  of  your  having  a  namesake  at  our  town, 
can't  say  exactly  yet. 

A.  LINCOLN. 


TO   MARTIN   M.    MORRIS. 

SPRINGFIELD,  ILL.,  March  26,  1843. 

FRIEND  MORRIS: 

Your  letter  of  the  23d,  was  received  on  yesterday 
morning,  and  for  which  (instead  of  an  excuse,  which 
you  thought  proper  to  ask)  I  tender  you  my  sincere 


Abraham  Lincoln  317 

thanks.  It  is  truly  gratifying  to  me  to  learn  that, 
while  the  people  of  Sangamon  have  cast  me  off,  my 
old  friends  of  Menard,  who  have  known  me  longest 
and  best,  stick  to  me.  It  would  astonish,  if  not 
amuse,  the  older  citizens  to  learn  that  I  (a  stranger, 
friendless,  uneducated,  penniless  boy,  working  on  a 
flatboat  at  ten  dollars  per  month)  have  been  put 
down  here  as  the  candidate  of  pride,  wealth,  and 
aristocratic  family  distinction.  Yet  so,  chiefly,  it 
was.  There  was,  too,  the  strangest  combination  of 
church  influence  against  me.  Baker  is  a  Campbell- 
ite ;  and  therefore,  as  I  suppose,  with  few  exceptions 
got  all  that  church.  My  wife  has  some  relations  in 
the  Presbyterian  churches,  and  some  with  the 
Episcopal  churches;  and  therefore,  wherever  it 
would  tell,  I  was  set  down  as  either  the  one  or  the 
other,  while  it  was  everywhere  contended  that  no 
Christian  ought  to  go  for  me,  because  I  belonged  to 
no  church,  was  suspected  of  being  a  deist,  and  had 
talked  about  fighting  a  duel.  With  all  these  things, 
Baker,  of  course,  had  nothing  to  do.  Nor  do  I 
complain  of  them.  As  to  his  own  church  going  for 
him,  I  think  that  was  right  enough,  and  as  to  the 
influences  I  have  spoken  of  in  the  other,  though  they 
were  very  strong,  it  would  be  grossly  untrue  and 
unjust  to  charge  that  they  acted  upon  them  in  a  body 
or  were  very  near  so.  I  only  mean  that  those  influ- 
ences levied  a  tax  of  a  considerable  per  cent,  upon 
my  strength  throughout  the  religious  controversy. 
But  enough  of  this. 

You  say  that  in  choosing  a  candidate  for  Congress 
you  have  an  equal  right  with  Sangamon,  and  in  this 


318  The  Writings  of 

you  are  undoubtedly  correct.  In  agreeing  to  with- 
draw if  the  Whigs  of  Sangamon  should  go  against  me, 
I  did  not  mean  that  they  alone  were  worth  consulting, 
but  that  if  she,  with  her  heavy  delegation,  should  be 
against  me,  it  would  be  impossible  for  me  to  succeed, 
and  therefore  I  had  as  well  decline.  And  in  relation 
to  Menard  having  rights,  permit  me  fully  to  recognize 
them,  and  to  express  the  opinion  that,  if  she  and 
Mason  act  circumspectly,  they  will  in  the  convention 
be  able  so  far  to  enforce  their  rights  as  to  decide 
absolutely  which  one  of  the  candidates  shall  be 
successful.  Let  me  show  the  reason  of  this.  Har- 
din,  or  some  other  Morgan  candidate,  will  get  Put- 
nam, Marshall,  Woodford,  Tazewell,  and  Logan — 
making  sixteen.  Then  you  and  Mason,  having 
three,  can  give  the  victory  to  either  side. 

You  say  you  shall  instruct  your  delegates  for  me, 
unless  I  object.  I  certainly  shall  not  object.  That 
would  be  too  pleasant  a  compliment  for  me  to  tread 
in  the  dust.  And  besides,  if  anything  should  happen 
(which,  however,  is  not  probable)  by  which  Baker 
should  be  thrown  out  of  the  fight,  I  would  be  at  lib- 
erty to  accept  the  nomination  if  I  could  get  it.  I  do, 
however,  feel  myself  bound  not  to  hinder  him  in  any 
way  from  getting  the  nomination.  I  should  despise 
myself  were  I  to  attempt  it.  I  think,  then,  it  would 
be  proper  for  your  meeting  to  appoint  three  delegates 
and  to  instruct  them  to  go  for  some  one  as  the  first 
choice,  some  one  else  as  a  second,  and  perhaps  some 
one  as  a  third;  and  if  in  those  instructions  I  were 
named  as  the  first  choice,  it  would  gratify  me  very 
much.  If  you  wish  to  hold  the  balance  of  power, 


Abraham  Lincoln  3J9 

it  is  important  for  you  to  attend  to  and  secure  the 
vote  of  Mason  also.  You  should  be  sure  to  have 
men  appointed  delegates  that  you  know  you  can 
safely  confide  in.  If  yourself  and  James  Short  were 
appointed  from  your  county,  all  would  be  safe;  but 
whether  Jim's  woman  affair  a  year  ago  might  not  be 
in  the  way  of  his  appointment  is  a  question.  I  don't 
know  whether  you  know  it,  but  I  know  him  to  be  as 
honorable  a  man  as  there  is  in  the  world.  You  have 
my  permission,  and  even  request,  to  show  this  letter 
to  Short;  but  to  no  one  else,  unless  it  be  a  very 
particular  friend  who  you  know  will  not  speak  of  it. 

Yours  as  ever, 

A.  LINCOLN. 
P.  S. — Will  you  write  me  again? 


TO   GEN.    J.    J.    HARDIN. 

SPRINGFIELD,  May  n,  1843. 

FRIEND  HARDIN: 

Butler  informs  me  that  he  received  a  letter  from 
you,  in  which  you  expressed  some  doubt  whether  the 
Whigs  of  Sangamon  will  support  you  cordially.  You 
may,  at  once,  dismiss  all  fears  on  that  subject.  We 
have  already  resolved  to  make  a  particular  effort  to 
give  you  the  very  largest  majority  possible  in  our 
county.  From  this,  no  Whig  of  the  county  dissents. 
We  have  many  objects  for  doing  it.  We  make  it  a 
matter  of  honor  and  pride  to  do  it ;  we  do  it  because 
we  love  the  Whig  cause ;  we  do  it  because  we  like  you 
personally ;  and  last,  we  wish  to  convince  you  that 


320          Writings  of  Abraham  Lincoln 

we  do  not  bear  that  hatred  to  Morgan  County  that 
you  people  have  so  long  seemed  to  imagine.  You 
will  see  by  the  journals  of  this  week  that  we  propose, 
upon  pain  of  losing  a  barbecue,  to  give  you  twice  as 
great  a  majority  in  this  county  as  you  shall  receive 
in  your  own.  I  got  up  the  proposal. 

Who  of  the  five  appointed  is  to  write  the  district 
address  ?  I  did  the  labor  of  writing  one  address  this 
year,  and  got  thunder  for  my  reward.  Nothing  new 

here. 

Yours  as  ever, 

A.  LINCOLN. 

P.  S. — I  wish  you  would  measure  one  of  the  largest 
of  those  swords  we  took  to  Alton  and  write  me  the 
length  of  it,  from  tip  of  the  point  to  tip  of  the  hilt, 
in  feet  and  inches.  I  have  a  dispute  about  the 

length. 

A.  L. 


END    OF    VOL.    I. 


